U.S. May Sign Malaysia Free-Trade Pact Early in 2007
U.S. May Sign Malaysia Free-Trade Pact Early in 2007
The U.S. delegation negotiating a free-trade agreement with Malaysia said it expects to sign an accord early next year after the two parties completed a third round of talks.
``We are encouraged by the progress made during this round,'' U.S. Assistant Trade Representative Barbara Weisel said in Kuala Lumpur today. ``Our discussions have provided us the momentum we need for further significant progress at the next round, and hopefully conclude this agreement early next year,'' she said.
An agreement would offer U.S. companies such as Microsoft Corp. and General Electric Co. greater access to Malaysia's $131 billion economy, Southeast Asia's third largest. The country is the 10th-largest U.S. trading partner with about $44 billion in dealings between the two nations last year.
The countries will need to conclude talks by early next year to push an agreement through the U.S. Congress before President George W. Bush's so-called Trade Promotion Authority expires in July 2007. The two countries had their first round of free-trade talks in June.
Weisel said on Nov. 1 an accord is partly dependent on U.S. companies being assured of greater access to contracts handed out by the government in Malaysia, where the ethnic Malay majority receives preferential treatment from the state.
Other ``sensitive'' areas where the U.S. is seeking to have greater access include government procurement and Malaysia's automotive and financial industries.
Understanding, Sensitivity
``The U.S. team came to KL hoping to further clarify our respective positions in the negotiations and to identify areas of common understanding and areas of sensitivity to either the United States or Malaysia,'' Weisel told reporters today. It's ``clear that finding a path forward on the areas of sensitivity, while a challenge, will not be an insurmountable task,'' she said.
Sixteen negotiating groups met this week to discuss issues including intellectual property, market access for goods, agriculture and textiles, she said.
The parties plan to exchange ``initial offers'' for market access in the next month, she said.
The U.S. expects an agreement to be reached on the opening up of government procurement, which would give Malaysian companies access to the $250 billion U.S. government procurement market, Weisel said.
A jarring Gerakan note in the MCA ear
Gerakan’s frank approach to dealing with controversial issues has made MCA uneasy. CHOW KUM HOR looks at the parties’ styles in handling touchy subjects.
Gerakan leader Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik pushes the envelope of what government leaders should or should not say in public
ONE wisecrack making its rounds in Chinese political circles is that if there were a shouting match between MCA and Gerakan, the latter, despite being outnumbered four to one in terms of membership size, would win hands down.
The "joke" goes to show just how vocal Gerakan has been compared with its senior component party in the ruling coalition.
Not surprisingly, MCA members find more humiliation than humour in such jibes.
However, Gerakan has been perceived to be reflecting the people’s, specifically the Chinese, sentiments on issues that excite them, while MCA’s relative silence, to quote a Johor MCA leader, is "deafening".
One example is the recent Khairy Jamaluddin controversy. When the Umno Youth vice-head said non-Malay parties might take advantage of Umno if the party were split, Gerakan president Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik responded by saying he had no time for "low-class politics".
By contrast, the response from MCA, save for its Youth wing, was muted.
And when the Asian Strategic and Leadership Institute’s (Asli) report on Bumiputera corporate equity ownership became a talking point, Gerakan became even more gung-ho.
Breaking with government protocol, Dr Lim asked the government to make public its methodology for calculating the distribution of shares.
The Energy, Water and Communications Minister was not the only Gerakan leader who pushed the envelope of what government leaders should or should not say in public.
Party central committee member Datuk Dr Toh Kin Woon said the Asli fallout could affect academic freedom in the country.
And what was MCA’s response? Party leaders fell back on the all-too-familiar phrase: "We will discuss issues like these behind closed doors."
Gerakan’s bravado in the Asli controversy may have earned the party points within the non-Bumiputera community.
However, it did not go down well with some of Dr Lim’s colleagues in government including Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who felt Dr Lim’s tone was a tad sarcastic.
Ong Kian Ming, a former think-tanker linked to Gerakan, said: "In any case, MCA’s relative silence on this is giving room to accusations that it is not protecting the interests of non-Malays, specifically the Chinese."
He adds that the pressure on MCA to speak up is mounting following Chinese unhappiness over issues ranging from the economy to some Umno leaders’ tendency to play to the Malay gallery.
But the reality is that speaking up is not always the most viable option, which explains MCA’s reserve. Says Rita Sim, the deputy chairman of Institute of Strategic Analysis and Policy Research, an MCA think- tank: "It is just like when the opposition makes a lot of noise asking for all sorts of things. The government cannot be seen to be giving in to their demands. The same concept applies in BN.
"We (MCA) do it more quietly. At the end of the day, what matters are results, not noise. Sometimes, it is best not to speak," adds Sim.
In other words, while thumping tables to get a message across may make one look like a hero, it might not work, or worse, might aggravate the situation.
At the grassroots, MCA is not comfortable with the media attention Gerakan is getting for airing issues affecting the Chinese community.
One Selangor MCA Youth leader says Gerakan has the edge of having a soon-to-retire president. Dr Lim, who will quit his party post next April, has the latitude to speak his mind without having to worry too much about his political future, or so the argument goes.
In spite of the uneasiness, Sim says the last thing MCA wants is to engage Gerakan in one-upmanship. "Both parties are looking at the bigger picture. MCA is just as concerned about Malay poverty as it is about Chinese poverty. We want to work together."
Even Gerakan Youth chief Datuk Mah Siew Keong concurs that going overboard to drum up protest can be counterproductive. In a multi-racial country with no shortage of racial champions, he says the only place to discuss contentious issues is behind closed doors.
One such forum is the National Economic Consultative Council (NECC), made up of representatives from political parties and interest groups.
NECC I provided input for post-1990 economic strategies to replace the New Economic Policy. NECC II helped draft the country’s 10-year economic blueprint, the National Vision Policy, which was launched in 2000.
MCA central committee member Datin Paduka Dr Tan Yee Kew, who sat in both NECCs, says closed-door meetings are the best way to resolve contentious issues.
"During meetings, there were heated arguments at the drafting (of the recommendations) stage. We went over again and again how the sentences should be phrased. We argued over the selection of words.
"What we wanted in the end was consensus, one that was agreeable to all sides. This could not have taken place if the arguments were taking place in public or through the Press," says Tan, who is now International Trade and Industries Ministry parliamentary secretary.
Although both councils came to agreement, she says some members were disappointed the government did not implement all the recommendations.
Despite several calls to set up the NECC III, the government has not indicated when it will be set up although MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu, in his Deepavali message, said it was in the pipeline.
Still, sometimes it is useful to raise the volume on issues, especially non-sensitive ones that cannot wait for closed-door meetings to convene.
Ong Kian Ming says one example is MCA vice-president Datuk Ong Tee Keat’s recent outburst over the alleged misuse of a school’s renovation funds.
"You help generate publicity, hope for action and then draw back when the temperature gets too hot," he adds.
But where do politicians draw the line on when to give headline-grabbing soundbites and when to keep journalists at arm’s length?
Mah says there is no hard-and-fast rule as each issue is unique and timing is also important.
However, some politicians have resorted to using the "middle ground". Ong explains the modus operandi: First, get younger leaders (like those from the Youth wing) to speak up on issues.
When things get a bit too hot, senior party leaders step in, clarify to the grassroots, force a closed-door meeting and hopefully reach a settlement all sides can agree on.
This is hardly a new tactic as it has been used by Umno and MCA.
"A more rational response is to approach issues with facts and logic instead of playing up racial sentiments. But in this country, it is easier said than done," adds Ong.
It is for this reason that MCA and Gerakan have to learn to overcome their impulse to call Press conferences. Making their way to closed-door meetings can be more fruitful.
BBC defends report on editor
The Star
The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) said its report on the controversy surrounding the departure of New Straits Times Group Editor Brendan Pereira is “entirely legitimate.”
“We are aware of the New Straits Times’ feelings regarding our report on their editor and his planned departure. We feel it was entirely legitimate to report on the controversy surrounding the departure of their aforementioned editor.
“We are currently considering our formal response to the New Straits Times,” a BBC spokesperson said yesterday in an e-mail response from London.
The NSTP on Friday demanded that the BBC immediately retract an online story on Pereira ending his term of service.
It threatened to sue the BBC if the story on Pereira was not retracted. It claimed that the BBC journalist had made no attempt to contact the NSTP to check the “veracity of his story.”
The BBC journalist, Jonathan Kent, in an online article on the BBC website entitled Malaysia Editor in Plagiarism Row, had written that Pereira was stepping down amidst allegations that he plagiarised the work of an American journalist.
The journalist said the similarities between Pereira’s recent article and that of the American journalist were “striking.”
He wrote that Pereira had told the BBC that his departure had been agreed with the paper two weeks before the publication of the controversial article.
The NSTP chief executive officer Datuk Syed Faisal Albar said in an article carried by the newspaper on Friday that Pereira’s article was clearly not plagiarism.
BBC - Malaysia editor in plagiarism row
The editor of Malaysia's newspaper, the New Straits Times, is to step down amidst allegations that he plagiarised the work of an American journalist.
Brendan Pereira's recent column has quickly become the target of internet commentators who urged him to quit.
Local websites have placed his column alongside another by the award-winning Mitch Albom of the Detroit Free Press.
The similarities were striking. Whole paragraphs in Mr Pereira's work mirrored Mr Albom's earlier piece.
'Major scalp'
It has been a clash between the old and new media about the basic standards of the profession.
On Monday, Mr Pereira published the column under the title "How Dearly We Miss June the Sixth" - a comment on the on-going row between Malaysia's prime minister and his predecessor that began in earnest on 7 June.
On Tuesday, local websites placed the column alongside another by Mr Albom.
His column, "Remembering the Day before the Day, was published on 10 September and mourned the changes wrought by the 11 September attacks.
On Wednesday night, the New Straits Times announced that Mr Pereira was to step down as editor.
However, he will officially remain in his post until the end of the year. No reason was given.
Mr Pereira told the BBC that his departure had been agreed with the paper two weeks before the publication of the controversial article.
The New Straits Times is owned by the political party of the prime minister.
Malaysia's broadcasters and newspapers are closely controlled by the government and no mention of the scandal has appeared in print.
However, the government has promised not to censor the internet and it appears that Malaysia's online watchdogs have claimed their first major scalp.
Malaysiakini Barred From Covering Umno General Assembly Again.
The following report from Malaysiakini:
As in previous years, malaysiakini journalists have been barred from covering the upcoming Umno general assembly .
The reason? Journalists from the seven-year-old online website do not have the government’s press accreditation cards issued by the Information Ministry.
When contacted today, Umno media dan public relation unit head Hafizah Abu Bakar said the party will only issue media passes to journalists with official accreditation cards.
“If you have the accreditation card, then you will be issued the media pass to cover the Umno general assembly,” she said. “(Without the card) I would not able to assist you... I only follow the party’s directive.”
The official media tag is issued through state news agency Bernama to journalists and media organisations recognised by the government. All journalists from the print and electronic media as well as foreign correspondents have to carry the accreditation cards to enable them to cover official events.
In applying for the official pass, local media organisations must have publishing permits issued by the Internal Security Ministry.
Malaysiakini is caught in a Catch-22 situation - as an Internet media organisation, it is not subjected to the publishing permit regime; but without the permit, it cannot apply for the official media accreditation.
Attempts by malaysiakini to apply for the official press tag from Bernama has been rejected previously on similar grounds.
‘We’ll be there’
This is not the first time that malaysiakini is barred from covering the Umno assembly as it has been a recurring situation over the past few years.
Nevertheless, malaysiakini journalists were able to cover the event last year despite not being allowed into the main hall where Umno delegates held their meeting.
On Nov 13 when the four-day Umno general assembly kicks off, malaysiakini journalists will again be at the Putra World Trade Centre to cover the function.
“We’ll be there despite the ban,” said editor-in-chief Steven Gan.
“Our journalists were invited to cover functions of all other Barisan Nasional parties, including MCA, Gerakan and MIC. There’s no reason why we should be barred from the Umno general assembly.”
The ruling Umno began actively banning malaysiakini soon after the online media exposed the illegal logging by Umno Pahang of a vast swath of peat swamp forests in the state three years ago.
The logging occurred during then Umno secretary-general Khalil Yaacob’s watch when he was Pahang mentri besar. It is believed that Khalil had issued a party directive that malaysiakini journalists be barred from covering all Umno functions, including its supreme council meetings and general assemblies. Khalil, who has since retired from politics, is currently Malacca’s governor.
Sultan Elected as Malaysia's Next King
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia -- A sultan in northeastern Malaysia was elected the country's next constitutional monarch on Friday under a unique system where traditional state rulers take turns on the throne for five years.
Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin, 44, of Terengganu state was elected in a secret ballot by the sultans of nine states, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced. Mizan -- whose state has significant offshore oil and gas resources -- will assume the throne on Dec. 13 as Malaysia's 13th Yang di-Pertuan Agong -- the Malay title of the monarch.
Under an unusual rotational system introduced toward the end of British colonial rule in the 1950s, the nine state sultans, who comprise the Conference of Rulers, take turns on the throne for five years. The previous king was the sultan of Perlis state.
The king's role is largely ceremonial, and the power to govern resides with Parliament and the prime minister. But for Malay Muslims, who comprise some 60 percent of Malaysia's 26 million people, the king is the supreme upholder of Malay tradition and the symbolic head of Islam.
Mizan received his early education in Terengganu and furthered his studies in Australia and the U.S. International University-Europe in London, where he obtained a degree in international relations. He also attended Britain's Sandhurst Royal Military Academy.
Mizan was crowned Terengganu's sultan in 1998, succeeding his late father. He is married to Queen Nur Zahirah and has four children.
(AP world news)
Malaysia's former PM Mahathir Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Malaysia New King Sultan
The U.S. delegation negotiating a free-trade agreement with Malaysia said it expects to sign an accord early next year after the two parties completed a third round of talks.
``We are encouraged by the progress made during this round,'' U.S. Assistant Trade Representative Barbara Weisel said in Kuala Lumpur today. ``Our discussions have provided us the momentum we need for further significant progress at the next round, and hopefully conclude this agreement early next year,'' she said.
An agreement would offer U.S. companies such as Microsoft Corp. and General Electric Co. greater access to Malaysia's $131 billion economy, Southeast Asia's third largest. The country is the 10th-largest U.S. trading partner with about $44 billion in dealings between the two nations last year.
The countries will need to conclude talks by early next year to push an agreement through the U.S. Congress before President George W. Bush's so-called Trade Promotion Authority expires in July 2007. The two countries had their first round of free-trade talks in June.
Weisel said on Nov. 1 an accord is partly dependent on U.S. companies being assured of greater access to contracts handed out by the government in Malaysia, where the ethnic Malay majority receives preferential treatment from the state.
Other ``sensitive'' areas where the U.S. is seeking to have greater access include government procurement and Malaysia's automotive and financial industries.
Understanding, Sensitivity
``The U.S. team came to KL hoping to further clarify our respective positions in the negotiations and to identify areas of common understanding and areas of sensitivity to either the United States or Malaysia,'' Weisel told reporters today. It's ``clear that finding a path forward on the areas of sensitivity, while a challenge, will not be an insurmountable task,'' she said.
Sixteen negotiating groups met this week to discuss issues including intellectual property, market access for goods, agriculture and textiles, she said.
The parties plan to exchange ``initial offers'' for market access in the next month, she said.
The U.S. expects an agreement to be reached on the opening up of government procurement, which would give Malaysian companies access to the $250 billion U.S. government procurement market, Weisel said.
A jarring Gerakan note in the MCA ear
Gerakan’s frank approach to dealing with controversial issues has made MCA uneasy. CHOW KUM HOR looks at the parties’ styles in handling touchy subjects.
Gerakan leader Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik pushes the envelope of what government leaders should or should not say in public
ONE wisecrack making its rounds in Chinese political circles is that if there were a shouting match between MCA and Gerakan, the latter, despite being outnumbered four to one in terms of membership size, would win hands down.
The "joke" goes to show just how vocal Gerakan has been compared with its senior component party in the ruling coalition.
Not surprisingly, MCA members find more humiliation than humour in such jibes.
However, Gerakan has been perceived to be reflecting the people’s, specifically the Chinese, sentiments on issues that excite them, while MCA’s relative silence, to quote a Johor MCA leader, is "deafening".
One example is the recent Khairy Jamaluddin controversy. When the Umno Youth vice-head said non-Malay parties might take advantage of Umno if the party were split, Gerakan president Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik responded by saying he had no time for "low-class politics".
By contrast, the response from MCA, save for its Youth wing, was muted.
And when the Asian Strategic and Leadership Institute’s (Asli) report on Bumiputera corporate equity ownership became a talking point, Gerakan became even more gung-ho.
Breaking with government protocol, Dr Lim asked the government to make public its methodology for calculating the distribution of shares.
The Energy, Water and Communications Minister was not the only Gerakan leader who pushed the envelope of what government leaders should or should not say in public.
Party central committee member Datuk Dr Toh Kin Woon said the Asli fallout could affect academic freedom in the country.
And what was MCA’s response? Party leaders fell back on the all-too-familiar phrase: "We will discuss issues like these behind closed doors."
Gerakan’s bravado in the Asli controversy may have earned the party points within the non-Bumiputera community.
However, it did not go down well with some of Dr Lim’s colleagues in government including Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who felt Dr Lim’s tone was a tad sarcastic.
Ong Kian Ming, a former think-tanker linked to Gerakan, said: "In any case, MCA’s relative silence on this is giving room to accusations that it is not protecting the interests of non-Malays, specifically the Chinese."
He adds that the pressure on MCA to speak up is mounting following Chinese unhappiness over issues ranging from the economy to some Umno leaders’ tendency to play to the Malay gallery.
But the reality is that speaking up is not always the most viable option, which explains MCA’s reserve. Says Rita Sim, the deputy chairman of Institute of Strategic Analysis and Policy Research, an MCA think- tank: "It is just like when the opposition makes a lot of noise asking for all sorts of things. The government cannot be seen to be giving in to their demands. The same concept applies in BN.
"We (MCA) do it more quietly. At the end of the day, what matters are results, not noise. Sometimes, it is best not to speak," adds Sim.
In other words, while thumping tables to get a message across may make one look like a hero, it might not work, or worse, might aggravate the situation.
At the grassroots, MCA is not comfortable with the media attention Gerakan is getting for airing issues affecting the Chinese community.
One Selangor MCA Youth leader says Gerakan has the edge of having a soon-to-retire president. Dr Lim, who will quit his party post next April, has the latitude to speak his mind without having to worry too much about his political future, or so the argument goes.
In spite of the uneasiness, Sim says the last thing MCA wants is to engage Gerakan in one-upmanship. "Both parties are looking at the bigger picture. MCA is just as concerned about Malay poverty as it is about Chinese poverty. We want to work together."
Even Gerakan Youth chief Datuk Mah Siew Keong concurs that going overboard to drum up protest can be counterproductive. In a multi-racial country with no shortage of racial champions, he says the only place to discuss contentious issues is behind closed doors.
One such forum is the National Economic Consultative Council (NECC), made up of representatives from political parties and interest groups.
NECC I provided input for post-1990 economic strategies to replace the New Economic Policy. NECC II helped draft the country’s 10-year economic blueprint, the National Vision Policy, which was launched in 2000.
MCA central committee member Datin Paduka Dr Tan Yee Kew, who sat in both NECCs, says closed-door meetings are the best way to resolve contentious issues.
"During meetings, there were heated arguments at the drafting (of the recommendations) stage. We went over again and again how the sentences should be phrased. We argued over the selection of words.
"What we wanted in the end was consensus, one that was agreeable to all sides. This could not have taken place if the arguments were taking place in public or through the Press," says Tan, who is now International Trade and Industries Ministry parliamentary secretary.
Although both councils came to agreement, she says some members were disappointed the government did not implement all the recommendations.
Despite several calls to set up the NECC III, the government has not indicated when it will be set up although MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu, in his Deepavali message, said it was in the pipeline.
Still, sometimes it is useful to raise the volume on issues, especially non-sensitive ones that cannot wait for closed-door meetings to convene.
Ong Kian Ming says one example is MCA vice-president Datuk Ong Tee Keat’s recent outburst over the alleged misuse of a school’s renovation funds.
"You help generate publicity, hope for action and then draw back when the temperature gets too hot," he adds.
But where do politicians draw the line on when to give headline-grabbing soundbites and when to keep journalists at arm’s length?
Mah says there is no hard-and-fast rule as each issue is unique and timing is also important.
However, some politicians have resorted to using the "middle ground". Ong explains the modus operandi: First, get younger leaders (like those from the Youth wing) to speak up on issues.
When things get a bit too hot, senior party leaders step in, clarify to the grassroots, force a closed-door meeting and hopefully reach a settlement all sides can agree on.
This is hardly a new tactic as it has been used by Umno and MCA.
"A more rational response is to approach issues with facts and logic instead of playing up racial sentiments. But in this country, it is easier said than done," adds Ong.
It is for this reason that MCA and Gerakan have to learn to overcome their impulse to call Press conferences. Making their way to closed-door meetings can be more fruitful.
BBC defends report on editor
The Star
The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) said its report on the controversy surrounding the departure of New Straits Times Group Editor Brendan Pereira is “entirely legitimate.”
“We are aware of the New Straits Times’ feelings regarding our report on their editor and his planned departure. We feel it was entirely legitimate to report on the controversy surrounding the departure of their aforementioned editor.
“We are currently considering our formal response to the New Straits Times,” a BBC spokesperson said yesterday in an e-mail response from London.
The NSTP on Friday demanded that the BBC immediately retract an online story on Pereira ending his term of service.
It threatened to sue the BBC if the story on Pereira was not retracted. It claimed that the BBC journalist had made no attempt to contact the NSTP to check the “veracity of his story.”
The BBC journalist, Jonathan Kent, in an online article on the BBC website entitled Malaysia Editor in Plagiarism Row, had written that Pereira was stepping down amidst allegations that he plagiarised the work of an American journalist.
The journalist said the similarities between Pereira’s recent article and that of the American journalist were “striking.”
He wrote that Pereira had told the BBC that his departure had been agreed with the paper two weeks before the publication of the controversial article.
The NSTP chief executive officer Datuk Syed Faisal Albar said in an article carried by the newspaper on Friday that Pereira’s article was clearly not plagiarism.
BBC - Malaysia editor in plagiarism row
The editor of Malaysia's newspaper, the New Straits Times, is to step down amidst allegations that he plagiarised the work of an American journalist.
Brendan Pereira's recent column has quickly become the target of internet commentators who urged him to quit.
Local websites have placed his column alongside another by the award-winning Mitch Albom of the Detroit Free Press.
The similarities were striking. Whole paragraphs in Mr Pereira's work mirrored Mr Albom's earlier piece.
'Major scalp'
It has been a clash between the old and new media about the basic standards of the profession.
On Monday, Mr Pereira published the column under the title "How Dearly We Miss June the Sixth" - a comment on the on-going row between Malaysia's prime minister and his predecessor that began in earnest on 7 June.
On Tuesday, local websites placed the column alongside another by Mr Albom.
His column, "Remembering the Day before the Day, was published on 10 September and mourned the changes wrought by the 11 September attacks.
On Wednesday night, the New Straits Times announced that Mr Pereira was to step down as editor.
However, he will officially remain in his post until the end of the year. No reason was given.
Mr Pereira told the BBC that his departure had been agreed with the paper two weeks before the publication of the controversial article.
The New Straits Times is owned by the political party of the prime minister.
Malaysia's broadcasters and newspapers are closely controlled by the government and no mention of the scandal has appeared in print.
However, the government has promised not to censor the internet and it appears that Malaysia's online watchdogs have claimed their first major scalp.
Malaysiakini Barred From Covering Umno General Assembly Again.
The following report from Malaysiakini:
As in previous years, malaysiakini journalists have been barred from covering the upcoming Umno general assembly .
The reason? Journalists from the seven-year-old online website do not have the government’s press accreditation cards issued by the Information Ministry.
When contacted today, Umno media dan public relation unit head Hafizah Abu Bakar said the party will only issue media passes to journalists with official accreditation cards.
“If you have the accreditation card, then you will be issued the media pass to cover the Umno general assembly,” she said. “(Without the card) I would not able to assist you... I only follow the party’s directive.”
The official media tag is issued through state news agency Bernama to journalists and media organisations recognised by the government. All journalists from the print and electronic media as well as foreign correspondents have to carry the accreditation cards to enable them to cover official events.
In applying for the official pass, local media organisations must have publishing permits issued by the Internal Security Ministry.
Malaysiakini is caught in a Catch-22 situation - as an Internet media organisation, it is not subjected to the publishing permit regime; but without the permit, it cannot apply for the official media accreditation.
Attempts by malaysiakini to apply for the official press tag from Bernama has been rejected previously on similar grounds.
‘We’ll be there’
This is not the first time that malaysiakini is barred from covering the Umno assembly as it has been a recurring situation over the past few years.
Nevertheless, malaysiakini journalists were able to cover the event last year despite not being allowed into the main hall where Umno delegates held their meeting.
On Nov 13 when the four-day Umno general assembly kicks off, malaysiakini journalists will again be at the Putra World Trade Centre to cover the function.
“We’ll be there despite the ban,” said editor-in-chief Steven Gan.
“Our journalists were invited to cover functions of all other Barisan Nasional parties, including MCA, Gerakan and MIC. There’s no reason why we should be barred from the Umno general assembly.”
The ruling Umno began actively banning malaysiakini soon after the online media exposed the illegal logging by Umno Pahang of a vast swath of peat swamp forests in the state three years ago.
The logging occurred during then Umno secretary-general Khalil Yaacob’s watch when he was Pahang mentri besar. It is believed that Khalil had issued a party directive that malaysiakini journalists be barred from covering all Umno functions, including its supreme council meetings and general assemblies. Khalil, who has since retired from politics, is currently Malacca’s governor.
Sultan Elected as Malaysia's Next King
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia -- A sultan in northeastern Malaysia was elected the country's next constitutional monarch on Friday under a unique system where traditional state rulers take turns on the throne for five years.Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin, 44, of Terengganu state was elected in a secret ballot by the sultans of nine states, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced. Mizan -- whose state has significant offshore oil and gas resources -- will assume the throne on Dec. 13 as Malaysia's 13th Yang di-Pertuan Agong -- the Malay title of the monarch.
Under an unusual rotational system introduced toward the end of British colonial rule in the 1950s, the nine state sultans, who comprise the Conference of Rulers, take turns on the throne for five years. The previous king was the sultan of Perlis state.
The king's role is largely ceremonial, and the power to govern resides with Parliament and the prime minister. But for Malay Muslims, who comprise some 60 percent of Malaysia's 26 million people, the king is the supreme upholder of Malay tradition and the symbolic head of Islam.
Mizan received his early education in Terengganu and furthered his studies in Australia and the U.S. International University-Europe in London, where he obtained a degree in international relations. He also attended Britain's Sandhurst Royal Military Academy.
Mizan was crowned Terengganu's sultan in 1998, succeeding his late father. He is married to Queen Nur Zahirah and has four children.
(AP world news)
Malaysia's former PM Mahathir Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Malaysia New King Sultan
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