Indonesia:"Multilateral Diplomacy Is the Key to Protecting the Rights of Migrant Workers"

Budi Akmal Djafar | November 26, 2010

Indonesia is once again on the back foot after Sumiati binti Salan Mustapa, a female migrant worker, was allegedly tortured by her employer in Saudi Arabia. The victim suffered severe injuries, including being burned with an iron and having her lips cut with scissors.

This is hardly the first time an Indonesian migrant worker, known here as TKI, has been mistreated and suffered abuse at the hands of her employer.

There have been numerous similar cases in the past, primarily in countries such as Singapore, Malaysia and Saudi Arabia, where these workers have become not just victims of abuse, but also murder.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono strongly condemned the incident in Saudi Arabia and immediately put together a special team comprised of members from the State Ministry for Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection, the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to provide Sumiati, 23, with the necessary medical treatment and legal assistance in Saudi Arabia. At a press conference, Yudhoyono expressed his anger and told his ministers that he wanted “all-out diplomacy.”

But the question we need to ask is why does violence against Indonesian workers abroad continue to occur? Lawmakers have offered several explanations.

First, there is a severe lack of government oversight. Migrant workers are recruited through agencies that are often of dubious credibility, usually lured by the prospect of high-paying jobs overseas. But they rarely receive the proper safeguards to protect them if things go wrong.

Moreover, these workers rarely receive sufficient training. They are rarely taught the language of their work destination or briefed on their legal rights prior to their job placements. They are usually blind to the risks involved in working overseas.

It is like they are being thrown into the ocean without having first been taught how to swim.

Singapore, Malaysia and Saudi Arabia have not ratified and signed the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.

The convention does more than just protect the fundamental rights of workers. It sets a moral standard and guarantees fair and equal treatment for this vulnerable class.

Consequently, it is quite difficult to hold these countries accountable when they are not fully committed in upholding the rights of migrant workers. Indonesia signed the international agreement in 2006.

The Indonesian government has so far failed to sign concrete bilateral agreements with any of these three countries. Even though a memorandum of agreement on Indonesian workers in Malaysia has been signed, it only outlines protections for domestic workers, leaving others to fend for themselves. Indonesia has failed to find a common understanding with Saudi Arabia on the protection of migrant workers’ rights

And finally, being employed is more than just about earning an income, but it is also a way to build respect and human dignity. For some workers at home, the only way to seek a brighter future is to cross national borders — any employment is better than nothing. Migrant workers are usually desperate for work and our country is not able to provide it for them.....more

Malaysia’s arrogance VS Indonesia’s envy

Endy M. Bayuni, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

“Malaysians are arrogant, Indonesians are jealous” was how Ali Alatas, Indonesia’s foreign minister from 1988-1999, put it during a seminar that looked at relations between the two countries. He made this remark two years before his passing in 2009, when anti-Malaysian sentiments flared in the wake of near skirmishes between Indonesian and Malaysian naval ships in the disputed Ambalat block in the Sulawesi Sea.

If Alatas was still with us today, he would surely have used the same explanation for the recent resumption of tensions between the two nations.

Anti-Malaysian sentiments have erupted again after an incident in disputed waters near the Riau archipelago early last month. This time the war drums sounded by Indonesian public opinion are louder. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s attempt to calm the situation with his speech on Wednesday — standing firm on Indonesia’s territorial claim but urging that diplomacy be given a chance — was predictably jeered by the warmongers.

The latest incident concerned the arrest of seven Malaysian fishermen in what Indonesian maritime officials claimed to be their waters. A nearby Malaysian sea patrol begged to differ and in retaliation detained the three Indonesian officials. All those arrested have since been freed, but many Indonesians felt slighted by the incident and demanded that Yudhoyono take a strong stand against Malaysia.

While his speech had gone as far as possible in staking out Indonesia’s position, some would not have been satisfied with anything short of a declaration of war. And looking at the public reaction to the speech, the warmongers appear to have widespread support.

Anyone looking for a rational explanation as to why two nations — which could not be more similar because of their shared Malay cultural roots — are at odds again for the umpteenth time can’t go wrong by remembering what Alatas said.

The Malay commonality has made this relationship special, more so than with other neighbors such as Singapore, Australia and Timor Leste, with whom Indonesia has its share of disputes and tensions. But as the recent development illustrates, this Malay commonality has also become the source of a problem, especially when it is underpinned by the perceptions that one country is arrogant, and the other is envious.

The series of spats in the relationship, from the Ambalat case to accusations of Malaysia’s theft of Indonesia’s cultural heritage to constant reports of abuses against Indonesian workers, contribute to the perception of Malaysian arrogance.

Malaysia started its development at the same level as Indonesia in the 1970s and even received assistance from Indonesia, which sent teachers and lecturers to Malaysia. The fact that Malaysia today economically is far more successful than Indonesia makes the case for Indonesian jealousy.

It is also for this reason that rather than the “love/hate” sentiment that usually develops between close friends, Indonesian and Malaysian relations today are looking more like the “hate/love” kind....more

Death for Malaysian for murdering his Indonesian maid

A Malaysian court sentenced a man to death for murdering his Indonesian maid in a landmark verdict hailed by Indonesian diplomats Tuesday as a warning that the abuse of foreign domestic workers must stop.

Ties between Malaysia and neighboring Indonesia have been occasionally strained over incidents in which Indonesian maids working in Malaysia were assaulted or complained of other mistreatment.

In one of the worst cases of abuse, 40-year-old Muntik Bani died last October after police found her beaten, starved and locked in a bathroom following a tip-off by a visitor to her employer's home.

High Court convicted A. Murugan, a 36-year-old sugar cane juice seller, of Bani's murder, said government prosecutor Mohamad Dusuki Mokhtar. It was the first time a Malaysian has been sentenced to death for the killing of an Indonesian maid, Mohamad Dusuki said.

The trial judge ruled that Murugan's denial that he played any part in his maid's death was unconvincing and contradicted other evidence, Mohamad Dusuki said.

Prosecutors did not explain specifically why Murugan might have abused his maid, but he acknowledged in court that he would get angry because she was slow in her work. However, he denied ever beating her.

Widyarka Ryananta, an official at the Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur, said his government hopes there will be more such convictions following its disappointment last month when a Malaysian was acquitted over the 2007 death of her maid, whose body was found at her home.

"We are happy with this decision. This is a lesson learned for all Malaysians to treat their maids properly," he said.

Read more here.

Ending freeze on Indonesian maids ?

The long-standing issue of sending Indonesian maids to Malaysia is nearing settlement with the signing by both countries of a letter of intent on the terms of their employment, which include a day off a week.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak, who had a four-eye meeting with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono here today, said both sides were still negotiating the minimum wage issue.

"Only one letter of intent was signed relating to manpower...among others, it requires Malaysian employers to give their Indonesian workers a day off a week.

"However, if both sides agree, and the worker does not want to take the day off, he or she will be paid, commensurate with the salary," he told a media conference after the 90-minute meeting at his office here.

The letter of intent also stipulates that the worker should retain his or her passport unless both parties agree that it be kept by the employer.

A memorandum of understanding (MoU) is expected to follow in two months to enable the sending of Indonesian maids, which was stopped in June last year, to resume.

Meanwhile, Jalarta Globe reported that Indonesian government’s bans on sending migrant workers to Malaysia will remain in force after both countries failed to agree on a minimum wage.

Speaking after bilateral talks with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono today, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak told reporters in Putrajaya, that the two leaders agreed in principle for Indonesian maids to be granted one day off a week, but did not conclude a minimum wage.

Last June, migrant workers were banned from travelling to Malaysia following reports that some workers were being abused and were not being paid. Three months later, a similar ban was applied on migrant workers traveling to Kuwait following similar reports. Most Indonesian migrant workers are maids, construction workers and plantation workers.

There are currently 4.3 million Indonesians working in 42 countries, according to the National Board for the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (BNP2TKI).

That figure, however, does not include an estimated 2-4 million Indonesians working abroad illegally.

Bendera - 'Invasion' postponed !

Indonesians who volunteered to go to war with Malaysia take part in a martial arts drill in Jakarta. (JG Indonesia)

WHEN the Royal Malaysian Navy’s biggest landing craft, KD Sri Inderapura, was ablaze at the Lumut naval base early Thursday morning, the twittering world was abuzz that the invasion had begun.

This was, of course, in reference to the so-called plan by Indonesia’s Benteng Demokrasi Rakyat (Bendera) plans to wage war with Malaysia.

Although their plans have been widely condemned by officials, the People’s Democratic Defense (Bendera) announced that they are ready to invade Malaysia and would start to dispatch volunteer vigilantes on October 9.

Speaking at a press conference in Jakarta, Bendera coordinator Mustar Nona Ventura said they would not be deterred.

“We will dispatch volunteers as we’ve scheduled. Nothing will stop us from doing it, including threats from the Malaysian National Security Council or the Indonesian Police.”

He said that around 1,300 volunteers would depart for Malaysia between October 9 and 22, including 50 medics.

“They will enter through pathways that will be unexpected for Malaysian security,” he said.

“Besides the volunteers, there are already 8000 Indonesian migrant workers [in Malaysia] who have committed to support what we do.”

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said the government does not take lightly the threat by Benteng Demokrasi Rakyat (Bendera), but believes Indonesia will take necessary steps to contain the situation.

"We leave it to the good judgment of the Indonesian government to manage such things. It is their internal affair. I believe they understand and know best what to do.

"We hope something will be done so that our good relations will not be affected," he said.

Meanwhile, the Royal Malaysia Police have stepped up security at all entry points from West Kalimantan to Sarawak as a precaution following threats from the Indonesian extremist group to attack Malaysia.

Sarawak Police Commissioner Datuk Mohmad Salleh said patrols by the General Operations Force had been doubled, especially at the Tebedu and Serikin border posts and several illegal trails at the Sarawak-Kalimantan border.

Indonesia and Malaysia have the same kind of relationship that the UK and France have had for centuries: a little rhetoric here and there but nothing ever happens.

There's a continuing spat over maids, claimed that Malaysia's national anthem is a copy of an Indonesian song, accused Malaysia of entering its territorial waters when a warship went to Ambalat.

Indonesians are still smarting over a 2002 International Court of Justice decision which decided that two bits of barren rock called Sipidan and Ligitan belonged to Malaysia.

Several weeks ago, Indonesians noticed that a promotional video for Malaysia included an Indonesian dance in its "Malaysia, Truly Asia" campaign. They claimed that Malaysia was trying to steal tourists from Indonesia, and that Malaysia has no culture of its own to display.

Then there were calls to declare batik to be defined as an Indonesian craft.

Some Indonesians consider the whole of Borneo to be Indonesian territory and resent the fact that it is partitioned.

Benteng Demokrasi Rakyat ( Bendera ) claims that its mission is to "avenge all the wrongs done to Indonesia." It claims to have a slogan of "Kill Malaysians" and reportedly set up illegal roadblocks in parts of Jakarta last month, saying that they intended to "sweep our streets clear of Malaysians."

The group claims to have built a stock of Samurai swords and pointed bamboo poles, plus bows and arrows ready for their invasion of Malaysia.

A Muslim model: What Indonesia can teach the world

At times this summer, much of the Muslim world seemed at war with itself. In Iran, protesters furious over what they viewed as a stolen election spilled into the streets and were met with a brutal security crackdown. In Pakistan, powerful Taliban-type militant groups battled the army. In neighboring Afghanistan, opposition leader Abdullah Abdullah and local tribal leaders accused President Hamid Karzai of stealing the national election.

Farther south, the world’s largest Muslim nation, Indonesia, received far less attention. Yet what happened there in July ultimately could prove far more important than the meltdowns in Afghanistan or Pakistan or Iran. Some 100 million Indonesians, spread across a vast archipelago, went to the polls, and in a free and fair vote, they reelected president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, leader of the secular Democrat Party. Hard-line Islamic parties fielded candidates as well, but they barely registered at the polls, gaining less of the vote than they had in the previous national election five years ago.

Yudhoyono’s reelection was only the capstone of a triumphant decade for Indonesia. Despite its vast size and remote terrain - it is the world’s fourth-largest nation by population, its 240 million people spread across thousands of islands between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific - Indonesia has become a rock of political stability in a turbulent region. After decades of military dictatorship, and the threat of Islamism in the late 1990s, Indonesia is today ruled by a coalition that mixes secular and moderate Islamic parties and protects minority rights. And at a time when countries from Japan to Singapore are struggling, Indonesia posted some of the strongest growth in Asia this year. The nation’s occasional terrorist attacks haven’t succeeded in destabilizing the government, which has steadily built a reputation for good governance and an effective battle against militant groups.

“If you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity and women’s rights can coexist, go to Indonesia,” Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said on a trip to Southeast Asia earlier this year.

Though Indonesian leaders themselves are hesitant to lecture other countries, their model could offer lessons for nations from Pakistan to Morocco. It has managed to create a stable political system without using its military to guarantee secular rule, as does Turkey. The militant Islamic groups that once seemed to threaten the country’s future have been crushed or co-opted. And it has adopted modern anti-terrorism techniques that appear to be working. In its success, Indonesia also offers the United States, constantly seeking ways to help build stable societies in the Arab-Muslim world, a model for cooperation and moderation.

Just a decade ago, few would have seen Indonesia as a model of any kind. The country was an economic and political basket case, riddled with graft from the era of its longtime dictator Suharto. Its heavily export-dependent economy collapsed in the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, plunging the country into political chaos.

Riots constantly blocked the streets of Jakarta, with many protests targeting the ethnic Chinese community. Warfare erupted in outlying provinces like Aceh, which long had wanted to secede. Hard-line Islamist groups preyed upon this unrest, promising cleaner government against the corruption of Indonesia’s traditional political parties. Islamic schools, known as pesantrens and similar to madrasas, expanded to fill the void left by underfunded public schools. Some of these became notorious for promoting militant Islam, according to an analysis by the International Crisis Group, developing into feeders for the terrorist organization Jemaah Islamiah.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, this and other expanding militant groups seemed on the verge of threatening the government’s control of parts of the country, a situation similar to Afghanistan or Yemen today. In 2002, Jemaah Islamiah masterminded a bombing in Bali that killed over 200 people, and then allegedly bombed the JW Marriott hotel and the Australian embassy in Jakarta, among other sites. Indonesia seemed on the verge of disintegrating, torn apart by separatist movements and inter-ethnic battles.

By the time of Yudhoyono’s reelection, this past summer, many of these fears had vanished. The economy had recovered, the archipelago no longer appeared on the verge of fragmenting politically, and terror groups had been prosecuted and weakened. The country had held three successive free elections.

How did Indonesia develop into a success, while countries such as Egypt, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia still struggle just to build the fundamentals of democracy? For one, Indonesia’s presidents have not allowed sharia law, the religiously derived legal system that prevails in numerous Muslim countries, to gain a foothold, except in a few isolated regions. Neighboring Malaysia, by contrast, allows several of its states to apply sharia to many issues of family law and other civil cases - a system that can alienate non-Muslim minorities, undermining the principle that democracy protects minority rights. (Recently, the Malaysian blogosphere has been fixated on the case of an Indian Hindu woman who, under sharia law, has been sentenced to caning for drinking beer.) In Indonesia, where an ethnic Chinese minority coexists warily with an ethnic Malay majority, the assurance of minority rights is critical to preventing the kind of internal violence that has racked other Muslim nations, from Pakistan (Shia vs. Sunni) to Yemen (northernerns vs. southerners). Assurance of minority rights boosts the economy, too, since the ethnic Chinese, though a minority, control an outsized percentage of powerful companies in Indonesia.

Unlike many other Muslim countries, Indonesia’s leaders have also resisted the temptation to use the national treasury to promote their preferred version of Islam. Yudhoyono and his two predecessors, Megawati Sukarnoputri and Abdurrahman Wahid, took pains to emphasize that there was no state-preferred mosque or spiritual leader. This strategy stands in sharp contrast to Saudi Arabia, where the government plays a major role in overseeing clerics - or even to Pakistan, where former president Mohammad Zia ul-Haq used the power and the purse of the state to institute laws consistent with sharia and pack the courts with Muslim scholars he considered allies.

Even more important, the Indonesian government has also set out to undercut the popular appeal of militancy. Rather than letting Islamic parties run on promises to improve the lives of the poor, Yudhoyono has overseen a massive national anti-poverty program, increasing direct cash transfers and rice subsidies to the poor. Besides winning hearts and votes, these handouts sparked consumer spending, critical at a time when exports to the West are lagging. They also reduced poor families’ dependence on Islamic boarding schools for a decent education, a point not grasped in, say, Pakistan, where politicians frequently vow to reform madrasas but spend little time investing in public education to give families other options.

Under Yudhoyono the Indonesian government also has allowed some of its power to devolve to provinces and cities throughout the archipelago, giving them greater shares of the national budget, more control over local natural resources and more money back from direct investment in their area. Devolution takes guts, especially in regions of the world accustomed to a strong, centralized government. But it also pays several rewards, reducing separatist tensions and giving average people more personal investment in the democratic process. Devolution also encourages provinces and cities to become more economically competitive.

Yudhoyono’s government has also denied the Islamists another of their biggest recruiting tools: public anger at corruption. The president has backed the national counter-corruption agency, and unlike his predecessors, has stayed out of the courts’ way. Last spring, just before the presidential election, a close relative and former governor of the Bank of Indonesia was convicted of embezzlement and sentenced to jail time, shocking many Indonesians who were accustomed to seeing the powerful protect their relatives and inner circle.

Indonesia also has pursued a novel strategy against militant groups. The president has made a strong public case that terrorists threaten average Indonesians, not just the West. By pressing this theme, Yudhoyono has managed to turn opinion against militants while deflecting claims that he was just serving the interests of the United States. (In one poll of Indonesians by the organization Terror Free Tomorrow, 74 percent said that terrorist attacks are “never justified.”) The country also has a cutting-edge “deradicalization” policy to stem the growth of militancy. Former terrorists appear on national television to describe the brutality of their crimes and express remorse for killing fellow Indonesians; former militants also approach convicted terrorists in prison, using religious arguments, compassion, and other softer tactics to win them over.

Plenty of problems remain. Conflict still erupts among Indonesia’s many ethnic groups; in the province of West Papua, separatists attacked foreign workers over the summer. Despite Yudhoyono’s poverty programs, much of Indonesia’s population lives below the poverty line. And its military can still make trouble.

Even where they have been successful, many Indonesian leaders are reluctant to be seen as an example to other nations, especially in the Middle East. Indonesia isn’t Arab, and many Arab leaders regard it as a kind of backwater in Islam, making them loath to take lessons from Jakarta. The archipelago also historically practiced a more moderate version of Islam, a religion brought by traders and mixed with local folk practices. The country’s major religious organizations, with tens of millions of members, have been run by leaders committed to the separation of mosque and state.

Still, other Muslim nations are beginning to look at what Indonesia has done right. Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt, and other nations have adopted deradicalization programs of their own. Clerics from across the Muslim world have descended on Indonesia to study its religious organizations and their role in society.

Indonesia’s success offers lessons for the United States as well. Most importantly, it shows that Islam and democracy can mix easily, provided the government can separate mosque and state, and religious leaders are willing to go along. The resulting stability leaves far less room for militant groups, and reduces the need for the US to throw its weight behind iron-fisted military leaders like Pakistan’s Pervez Musharraf just to keep militant Islam from expanding.

In addition, the example of Indonesia suggests that in many cases, America would be wise to intervene less. President Yudhoyono’s counterterrorism policy succeeds in part because local people perceive the policy as run by their president, not pushed on him by any foreign powers. The US, meanwhile, has pitched in by quietly helping fund and train Indonesia’s elite counterterrorism force, known as Detachment 88. But unlike in Pakistan or Yemen or the Philippines, American assistance isn’t prominently covered in the press, or a flashpoint for public anger. It doesn’t hurt that President Obama spent some of his childhood in the country, and today his administration is hugely popular in Indonesia. Almost as popular, that is, as Yudhoyono’s.

- By Joshua Kurlantzick, Globe Correspondent

Joshua Kurlantzick is a fellow for Southeast Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations. Contact him at jkurlant1@hotmail.com.

Indonesian Navy Was Set To Fire on Warship

Surabaya. The Indonesian Navy has revealed that it was moments away from firing on a Malaysian warship that encroached deep into Indonesian territorial waters earlier this week, but called off the attack when the intruder retreated.

The latest incident highlights growing tensions in the disputed oil-rich waters of Ambalat in the border region between Malaysia and Indonesia in the Sulawesi Sea, with the Navy stating on Thursday that the Malaysian Navy and Marine Police had intruded into Indonesian waters at least nine times since the beginning of the year.

Lt. Col. Toni Syaiful, spokesman for the Navy’s Surabaya-based Eastern Fleet Command, said the Malaysian Fast Attack Craft Gun KD Yu-3508 vessel penetrated 12 nautical miles into Indonesian maritime territory at dawn on Monday, and called it the “worst incident” of its kind because Malaysian naval vessels previously only dared to intrude “several miles.”

Not only did the Malaysian warship penetrate far into Indonesian waters, but it had also ignored demands from the captain of the Indonesian KRI Untung Suropati-872 Parchim-class corvette to retreat, Toni said.

“[Despite] being warned twice, they just moved away several meters,” he said. “Eventually, the commander of KRI Untung Suropati, Capt. Salim, made the decision to assume combat readiness. Only then did the Malaysians decide to flee.”

Indonesian Navy Chief Adm. Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno said earlier this week that he did not intend to bolster forces in the region by adding to the six warships it already had patrolling the area.

However, Toni said on Thursday that seven of the fleet’s 30 warships were on alert. “The placement of seven battleships has been thought out carefully and it conforms with the Navy’s preemptive measures to secure the Ambalat territory.”

The Eastern Fleet Command estimated that the Malaysian Navy had as many as four warships in the area.

“The Malaysian Navy should inform their personnel that the Ambalat area is still in dispute. Thus, they should not provoke our sailors anymore,” Toni warned, adding that the patience of sailors in the area was wearing thin because of the incursions.

Indonesian Army Chief Gen. Djoko Santoso said Malaysian warships had often violated Indonesian territory in the disputed waters because both sides had solid legal ground for their claims over the Ambalat area.

“So the disputed borders between the two countries in Ambalat should be resolved immediately,” Djoko said, adding that he hoped border negotiations could be settled soon so that the Indonesian military did not have to build up its forces in the area.

( Source:"Navy Was Set To Fire on Warship"- Jakarta Globe )

Read also from Unspun:" Indonesian Navy almost clashed with Malaysian counterpart?"

Indonesia - Muslims burn Christian church

Violence ensued when Muslims accused a teacher of blasphemy. Police attempted to restore order in the Moluccan Islands of Indonesia, while stores and offices are closed.


A group of 500 Muslims wreaked havoc and spread panic in Masohi, in the Moluccan Islands, during clashes with police and local Christians. As a result, 45 homes, a church and a village hall were set alight. The spark that set off the violence is an in incident in which a teacher allegedly insulted Islam in front of some Muslim students.

Once the story spread, the local Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) mobilised, rallying some 500 people in front of the Central Maluku Education Agency. For more than an hour they protested, accusing the teacher of blasphemy and calling for his dismissal. Afterwards, the protesters marched to police headquarters near the school. When they were told that the police chief was out of town, most of the demonstrators left but a group remained to confront the police. The violence spread and resulted in the burning of Christian homes and a church.

News about the incident in Masohi spread across Seram Island and rekindled memories of the Moluccan War of 1999-2000 when Muslims and Christians clashed, with thousands of deaths. Police are on a heightened state of alert while stores and offices are closed as a precautionary measure. Law enforcement authorities have identified those responsible for the clashes. For his part the teacher who sparked the incident is currently in police custody.

(Source)

Strong quake shakes Indonesia

Strong quake rocks Indonesia's Maluku, tsunami alert sounded

"The quake has tsunami potential because it was shallow, at 23 kilometres. The area that should be on alert is around Timor," Suharjono, from the geophysics headquarters here, told ElShinta radio.

A strong earthquake shook a group of islands in Indonesia Wednesday, the U.S. Geological Survey said.

Meteorologists in Indonesia said the quake had tsunami potential, but the U.S. National Weather Service has not issued a tsunami warning.

"We do not expect a tsunami from this event," said Dailin Wang, an oceanographer for the National Weather Service's Pacific Tsunami Warning Center, told CNN.

The USGS put the earthquake's magnitude at 6.2, but the Web site for the Indonesian meteorological agency showed the quake at a stronger 6.6 and talked about its tsunami potential.

The quake was recorded in Kepulauan Barat Daya, a group of islands in the Maluku province of Indonesia. The islands are located about 262 km (163 miles) from the East Timorese capital of Dili.


Indonesia sits on the Pacific "Ring of Fire" where continental plates meet, causing frequent seismic and volcanic activity.

The archipelago nation was hardest hit by the earthquake-triggered Asian tsunami in December 2004. Some 168,000 people alone were killed in Aceh province on the northern tip of Sumatra.

Where “soft Islam” is on the march

When your Lord said to the angels: “I have to place a vice-regent on earth,” they said: “Will you place one there who will create disorder and shed blood, while we intone Your litanies and sanctify Your name?” And God said: “I know what you do not know.”

Can rule by the people be reconciled with the sovereignty of Allah?

Read

Islam and democracy: "The practice—and the theory" here.

Indonesia has some worrying radicals but it seems to be following Turkey, with Islamists moderating as they get closer to power

IS INDONESIA, the most populous Muslim-majority country, undergoing creeping Islamisation? It is not hard to assemble enough recent evidence to give Western Islamophobes goosebumps. In late December a mob attacked and burned a prayer house in West Java belonging to Ahmadiyah, a sect deemed heretical by some mainstream Islamic scholars. Earlier in the month the country's Christian leaders complained that Muslim radicals, helped by local officials, had carried out a string of attacks on churches. Ten Muslim militants were jailed for attacks on Christians on Sulawesi island, including the beheading of three schoolgirls. In late November the religious-affairs ministry barred a liberal Egyptian scholar, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd (who calls the Koran a “cultural product”), from public speaking in Indonesia.

Behind many recent incidents is a vigilante group, the Islam Defenders' Front (FPI), which in September assaulted bars, cafés and hotels in Bogor, near Jakarta, accusing them of violating Ramadan. Another rising radical force is the Indonesian chapter of Hizb-ut-Tahrir, which wants a caliphate to rule the whole Muslim world. Last August it gathered perhaps 90,000 supporters in a Jakarta stadium. Its leaders condemned democracy on the basis that sovereignty lies in God's hands, not the people's. A not dissimilar attack on pluralism was made in a hardline fatwa issued in 2005 by the Indonesian Ulemas Council (MUI). This same semi-official body recently demanded the banning of the liberal Egyptian scholar.

In 2006 a poll found that one in ten Indonesians supported terrorist attacks like the 2002 Bali bombings if intended to “protect the faith”. Jemaah Islamiah (JI), the terror group behind the Bali attacks, is still running several dozen pesantren (boarding schools), putting who knows what into impressionable teenage heads. The Bali bombers are due to be executed in the next few weeks, possibly triggering a backlash by radicals.

This all sounds worrying. But Indonesia is a huge, varied and complex place, and the radicals—even though some have a semi-official platform—are a small and not very influential minority. Contrary evidence abounds: liberals as well as radicals are making inroads. They have won a big battle over a “pornography” law that Islamists proposed in 2006. It would have banned bikinis and short skirts, for non-Muslim women too, and prohibited the Hindu minority's traditional dances. But a public outcry forced lawmakers to strike out all the controversial bits—and it still has not passed in parliament. Two new anti-terrorist police squads have made much progress in arresting and breaking up JI's leadership. There have been no attacks on foreign targets for two years.

As Indonesia democratised after the fall of the (secular) Suharto regime in 1998, local authorities gained autonomy and became directly elected. Many seized the opportunity to pass sharia-based laws, stoking fears of Islamisation. However, Greg Fealy, an Australian expert on Indonesian Islam, says these laws, though successful in winning votes for the local politicians pushing them, have usually had little practical impact. He recently revisited one such district, Tasikmalaya, where he found “there were more schoolgirls wearing the headscarf but just as much gambling, prostitution and drinking as before.”

The formerly separatist region of Aceh was allowed, under a peace pact with the rebels, to introduce strict sharia. The move was popular at first, says Sidney Jones of the International Crisis Group, a think-tank, but there was widespread revulsion when the authorities started publicly whipping miscreants. As a result the religious police were drastically reined in. Overall, Indonesians seem to prefer the idea of living under “God's law” to the practice of it. Indonesian Islam has always been distinct from the Middle Eastern kind, infusing influences from Hinduism and other religions. This will make it hard for fundamentalists to get far, says Muhammad Hikam, a political consultant.

Whereas a relatively small number of fiery militants and fundamentalists get most attention, Mr Hikam says that liberal Islamic scholars have successfully broken the link between religious piety and political Islam. Indonesians seeking a more overt expression of their faith, as many do nowadays, can still believe in separation of mosque and state. As the 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections approach, secular parties have been attracting voters by creating Islamic—but not Islamist—wings. The in-phrase, says Mr Fealy, is Islam Lunak, “soft Islam”. Pollsters are telling politicians that it helps to add a mild religious tinge to speeches about social justice and anti-corruption. But radical stuff, like preaching an Islamic state, is a turn-off.

Indonesia's two biggest Muslim organisations are Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)—whose long-time leader, Abdurrahman Wahid was president of Indonesia in 1999-2001—and Muhammadiyah, which together claim around 70m members. They indeed used to call for an Islamic state. Nowadays Masdar Farid Mas'udi, a senior NU figure, says all they mean by an “Islamic” state is a just and prosperous one. In some ways the two bodies have come to resemble Europe's mainstream Christian churches: “Catholic” NU stresses traditional rites and the authority of religious leaders, whereas “Protestant” Muhammadiyah stresses the primacy of scripture. As with Catholics and Protestants it is family tradition, rather than theology, that usually determines which group one belongs to. Both now accept Indonesia's secular founding creed, pancasila, which preaches religious tolerance (though you are supposed to believe in God).
Moderate success

Several of the country's political parties began life as the political wings of religious movements such as NU and Muhammidiyah. But the parties and their parent bodies have drifted apart, even as all have mellowed. In recent elections a more religiously conservative group, Prosperous Justice (PKS), has gained votes—but polls now show its support slumping. One reason is that it backed the pornography law and has suffered in the backlash against it.

Another, admits Zulkieflimansyah, a senior PKS parliamentarian, is that it has joined the (secular) coalition of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Its popularity has suffered because of tough policies such as cutting fuel subsidies. Mr Zulkieflimansyah sees his party as undergoing a desirable process of moderation as it “encounters reality”. PKS—like longer-established Muslim parties before it—is now having to ditch the fire and brimstone to transcend minority appeal. Rising younger figures in the party, like him, are more comfortable with this than its older generation, who studied in the Middle East. In general, the country's larger Muslim parties are echoing Turkey's ruling AK party—ditching Islamism while still appealing to the pious. Smaller ones still holding to a hard line may fare badly in 2009: Mr Fealy reckons that in 200 regional elections in the past two-and-a-half years not a single “sectarian” Muslim candidate has won.

Indonesia is, overall, edging away from radical Islamism. But the trend is not irreversible, and the authorities must avoid fostering fundamentalists by pandering to them. The MUI (the council of mullahs) and the FPI (the vigilantes) provide a lesson: both were created, for temporary reasons of expediency, by the Suharto regime but both have lingered to haunt its democratic successors. Mr Yudhoyono now seems to be trying to channel the MUI's radical enthusiasm into issuing fatwas against “deviant” Islamic sects like Ahmadiyah. But this only encourages the FPI to take up its cudgels.

Other, more important ways to make sure Indonesia stays on the path to democratic pluralism are to keep the economy growing and to boost sluggish efforts at reforming graft-ridden public institutions. High unemployment provides recruits for communal violence like that in Sulawesi—whether or not religion is the spark that ignites the tinder. Poverty, combined with disgust at corrupt officialdom, push some people towards the Utopian promises of groups such as Hizb-ut-Tahrir. In Indonesia, unlike most Muslim countries, the ideological struggle between various forms of Islam is being fought largely by democratic means. The violent and the intolerant are still at the margins and, while the country's steady progress persists, look likely to stay there.

(Taken from : economist.com)


Read also : New strain on Malaysia's ethnic ties. (BBC)

Malaysia, Indonesia both facing Malay malaise ?

Malaysia, Indonesia both facing Malay malaise

The Jakarta Post
BY:Julia Suryakusuma, Melbourne


When my brother and I were small we fought all the time. We both felt we couldn't get on, and so our youth was marked by constant squabbling.

As we grew older (and wiser!) we realized just how much we had in common: We have the same parents, shared family background and history. Of course our personalities and characters are different, but as adults we can acknowledge these differences, respect them and see ourselves as complementing each other.

Indonesia-Malaysian relations have been similarly characterized with this kind of childish competition. Our two nations have been bickering since our younger sibling Malaysia was born. President Sukarno's policy of Konfrontasi with Malaysia led to a political, and eventually military, fight over the future of Borneo/Kalimantan from 1962 to 1969. At its height, this conflict drew in the UK, New Zealand and Australia.

But our sibling rivalry reached new heights of immaturity this year when both nations claimed ownership rights to the Rasa Sayange song, used extensively by the Malaysian tourism industry. Prominent Indonesians rushed to save the song, including lawmakers, parliamentarians, ministers, heads of political parties, heads of musicians' unions, the governor of Maluku, and the director-general of intellectual property rights at the Human Rights Ministry.

Rasa Sayange was created by an Ambonese man from the Mollucas, in 1907, they insisted, and had been "stolen" by Malaysia. A phonograph record given by President Sukarno to participants in the Asian Games in 1962 was dug up. It contained Indonesian folk songs, including Rasa Sayange. Proof, the Indonesian authorities proclaimed. (Hmmm, this must be one of the very rare occasions that our nation, famous for sweeping the past under the carpet of modern political convenience, has given two hoots about historical accuracy!)

An inflammatory Rasa Sayange petition was posted on the Internet, tempers flared and self-righteous calls were made to sue Malaysia for stealing our national heritage. What irony! Indonesia, of course, has long been one of the world's greatest infringers of intellectual property rights, pirating software, branded goods, CDs, DVDs and, yes, songs too. And just to prove the point, if you are after fakes, you need go no further than the lobby of the Directorate General of Intellectual Property Rights, where there is actually a kiosk selling knock-off watches, bags, belts, socks, wallets and CDs!

The absurd storm in a teacup over Rasa Sayange is just an outlet for the resentment Indonesians feel towards Malaysia, because of a long list of irritations between the two countries. These have included the haze (caused by forest fires in Kalimantan and some in Malaysian Borneo too); illegal logging (of which both countries are guilty), territorial disputes over Bintan, Sipadan and Ligitan islands, and more recently, Ambalat in the Sulawesi Sea, the brutal assault of an Indonesian karate referee by a Malaysian, the detention of an Indonesian diplomat's wife, and claims of ongoing mistreatment of Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia.

I suppose it's easier to fuss over a song than to resolve the longstanding problems of our migrant workers, who face horrendous problems in both sending and receiving countries. Neither Indonesia nor Malaysia have good track records when it comes to human rights, and Indonesia still has problems upholding workers' rights, despite recent reforms.

But this doesn't justify what Indonesians consider to be Malaysia's rampant abuse and exploitation of our migrant workers. Even Anwar Ibrahim, former deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia and still a leading political figure, has exhorted Malaysia to treat our migrant workers humanely and not be arrogant in dealing with Indonesia -- and he should know what he's talking about, given his own bruising experience of Malaysian law enforcement!

Like my brother and me, Malaysians and Indonesians share family similarities. We both come from the same Malay ethnic stock (roughly a cross between Indian and Chinese, with occasional bits of Arab thrown in), and are predominantly Muslims. But, also like my brother and me, there are huge differences as well.

Indonesia is almost six times the size, and has a population almost 10 times bigger than Malaysia. The 300 ethnic groups of Indonesia make us far more culturally diverse than Malaysia, which has three main ethnic groups (Malays, Chinese and Indians) as well as indigenous minorities, such as the Orang Asli and tribal groups in Borneo. Much of Malay culture is derived from Indonesia, including language, food, music, angklung (bamboo musical instrument), kebaya-blouse, batik and wayang shadow puppets. They even love our crappy soapies!

So what does it matter if they say that Rasa Sayange is theirs? We have much more where that song came from, so why worry? In fact, why worry at all if Malaysia acts up? Everything Malaysia has, Indonesia has more of, including problems and we need to get on with doing something about them, rather than fighting over a tacky song.

In fact, managing a country the size and complexity of Indonesia is no simple matter. It's much easier to focus in a small nation. Mahathir, Malaysia's strongman of 22 years proved this, spearheading the phenomenal growth of the Malaysian economy to become one of the largest in Southeast Asia. In the end, though, wealth ain't everything.

Malaysia is perhaps what we call in Indonesia OKB (orang kaya baru -- nouveau riche), needing conspicuous consumption, and large scale national projects like the Petronas towers to make up for the fact most of the cultural heritage and rich history of the Malay archipelago -- Borobudur, for example -- is located next door in Indonesia.

Indonesia is not even close to eradicating poverty to the extent Malaysia has. In fact, most of our social indicators are still pretty awful. But in the long run, we may have more going for us. Our greater size means greater problems but it also means greater resources, markets and power. We need to capitalize on the blessings of our wealth and abundance by managing and distributing our resources better, rather than wasting our energy on juvenile spats with our younger and smaller neighbor. Why show off our inferiority complex?

If we could develop a less fragile ego and if Malaysia can learn to resist prodding us in our sore spots, there is a chance that Indonesia and Malaysia could recover from their Malay malaise, and develop a healthy, mature sibling relationship that benefits us all.

After all, my brother and I get on famously now and if we can do it, anyone can!


(The writer is the author of Sex, Power and Nation. She can be contacted at jsuryakusuma@gmail.com)



Truth and justice are no longer Malaysian way

The Age
Michael Backman

Recent street protests have highlighted the self-serving nature of Malaysia's Government.

THE Government of Australia will probably change hands this weekend. There will be no arrests, no tear gas and no water cannons. The Government of John Howard will leave office, the Opposition will form a government and everyone will accept the verdict.

For this, every Australian can feel justifiably proud. This playing by the rules is what has made Australia rich and a good place in which to invest. It is a country to which people want to migrate; not leave.

Now consider Malaysia. The weekend before last, up to 40,000 Malaysians took to the streets in Kuala Lumpur to protest peacefully against the judiciary's lack of independence, electoral fraud, corruption and a controlled media.

In response, they were threatened by the Prime Minister, called monkeys by his powerful son-in-law, and blasted with water cannons and tear gas. And yet the vast majority of Malaysians do not want a change of government. All they want is for their government to govern better.

Both Malaysia and Australia have a rule of law that's based on the English system. Both started out as colonies of Britain. So why is Malaysia getting it so wrong now?

Malaysia's Government hates feedback. Dissent is regarded as dangerous, rather than a product of diversity. And like the wicked witch so ugly that she can't stand mirrors, the Government of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi controls the media so that it doesn't have to see its own reflection.

Demonstrations are typically banned. But what every Malaysian should know is that in Britain, Australia and other modern countries, when people wish to demonstrate, the police typically clear the way and make sure no one gets hurt. The streets belong to the people. And the police, like the politicians, are their servants. It is not the other way around.

But increasingly in Malaysia, Malaysians are being denied a voice — especially young people.

Section 15 of Malaysia's Universities and University Colleges Act states that no student shall be a member of or in any manner associate with any society, political party, trade union or any other organisation, body or group of people whatsoever, be it in or outside Malaysia, unless it is approved in advance and in writing by the vice-chancellor.

Nor can any student express or do anything that may be construed as expressing support, sympathy or opposition to any political party or union. Breaking this law can lead to a fine, a jail term or both.

The judiciary as a source of independent viewpoints has been squashed. The previous prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, did many good things for Malaysia, but his firing of the Lord President (chief justice) and two other Supreme Court judges in 1988 was an unmitigated disaster. Since then, what passes for a judiciary in Malaysia has been an utter disgrace and the Government knows it.

Several years ago, Daim Zainuddin, the country's then powerful finance minister, told me that judges in Malaysia were idiots. Of course we want them to be biased, he told me, but not that biased.

Rarely do government ministers need to telephone a judge and demand this or that verdict because the judges are so in tune with the Government's desires that they automatically do the Government's beckoning.

Just how appalling Malaysia's judiciary has become was made clear in recent weeks with the circulation of a video clip showing a senior lawyer assuring someone by telephone that he will lobby the Government to have him made Lord President of the Supreme Court because he had been loyal to the Government. That someone is believed to have been Ahmad Fairuz Abdul Halim, who did in fact become Lord President.

A protest march organised by the Malaysian Bar Council was staged in response to this, and corruption among the judiciary in general. But the mainstream Malaysian media barely covered the march even though up to 2000 Bar Council members were taking part. Reportedly, the Prime Minister's office instructed editors to play down the event.

Instead of a free media, independent judges and open public debate, Malaysians are given stunts — the world's tallest building and most recently, a Malaysian cosmonaut. Essentially, they are given the play things of modernity but not modernity itself.

Many senior Malays are absolutely despairing at the direction of their country today. But with the media tightly controlled they have no way of getting their views out to their fellow countrymen. This means that most Malaysians falsely assume that the Malay elite is unified when it comes to the country's direction.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, a former finance minister and today still a member of the Government, told me several weeks ago in Kuala Lumpur that he could see no reason why today Malaysia could not have a completely free media, a completely independent judiciary and that corrupt ministers and other officials should be publicly exposed and humiliated.

According to Tengku Razaleigh, all of the institutions designed to make Malaysia's Government accountable and honest have been dismantled or neutered.

It didn't need to be like this. Malaysia is not North Korea or Indonesia. It is something quite different. Its legal system is based on British codes. Coupled with traditional Malay culture, which is one of the world's most hospitable, decent and gentle cultures, Malaysia has the cultural and historical underpinnings to become one of Asia's most civilised, rules-based, successful societies.

Instead, Malaysia's Government is incrementally wasting Malaysia's inheritance.


Also available on Michael Backman's Website :
http://www.michaelbackman.com/NewColumn.html

Redundant Rela : Embassy blasts Rela officers

clipped from theunspunblog.com Rasa anything but sayang Malaysia Boleh does it again. This time confirming that it boleh try to bully the Indonesians. I am very malu to be a Malaysian and I think many Malaysians feel this way again.To my Indonesian friends: We are story for a very goblok government that seems to be losing control of even its own government servants. Please take note that it is the government and its aparat, not the Malaysians that are doing this. Unspun, for one, feels strongly that the Malaysian government should apologize unconditionally for this latest act of stupidity.

Indonesia has protested to Malaysia over the detention of a diplomat's wife by security personnel who mistook her for an illegal immigrant, an official said Tuesday.

The Indonesian Embassy sent a protest note to Malaysia's Foreign Ministry after volunteer security force members detained Muslianah Nurdin, the wife of the embassy's culture attache, at a market district in Kuala Lumpur on Saturday, said embassy official Shanti Utami Retnaningsih.

Security corps members placed Nurdin with other illegal immigrants because they failed to recognize her diplomatic identity card, but she was released later after convincing them that she was with the embassy, Retnaningsih said.

"They treated her like an illegal immigrant. ... It's unacceptable," Retnaningsih said. "This incident shows disrespect to members of our embassy."

Rela officers have come under fire from the Indonesian Embassy here following the harsh treatment of an Indonesian diplomat's wife and a university student during the agency's anti-illegal immigrant operations in Chow Kit and Kajang.

In separate statements issued yesterday, the embassy said that Muslianah Nurdin was detained by a Rela officer on Saturday while shopping in Chow Kit despite producing her diplomatic identity card issued by Wisma Putra.

“She showed her card to the officer who claimed that he did not recognise it. She was detained and placed with other illegal immigrants.

“Based on the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, the Rela officer has violated international laws by showing disrespect to a member of the embassy,” it said yesterday.

In the other incident, the embassy claimed that Rela officers raided the house of Muha-mmad Yunus Lubis in Kajang.

It said the officers had shouted, forced open the door and entered the house early yesterday.

“At first, Yunus refused to open the door for fear that he might be harmed by criminals.

“The team released him after he showed his identification card, passport and Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia student card.

“However, they refused to pay compensation for the damage incurred during the raid,” it ad-ded.

The embassy said it had asked the co-operation of the Government in taking action against the Rela officers involved.

A Wisma Putra spokesman said the ministry was unaware of the embassy's claim.

Read also :

Redundant Rela - Aliran

From The Jakarta Post - Relations with Malaysia require a realistic approach

Relations with Malaysia require a realistic approach
(Opinion News - Monday, September 03, 2007)

Rizal Sukma, Jakarta

Indonesia's relations with Malaysia face another hurdle. Many in Indonesia feel that we are continuously treated with little respect by our closest neighbor. The latest incident -- the assault of Indonesia's chief karate referee Donald Peter Luther Kolopita by four Malaysian police detectives -- is only the tip of the iceberg.

In early 2004, all politicians expressed their anger when Malaysia's authorities decided to whip Indonesia's undocumented migrant workers for violating the immigration law in that country. Many of us were also angered with Malaysia in early 2005 over a dispute regarding the ownership of the Ambalat area in the Sulawesi Sea.

What is our response to such problems, both in Indonesia and Malaysia? We keep saying that Indonesia and Malaysia are bangsa serumpun -- two nations coming from the same roots. We believe we share the same language. We are also told we share the same cultural traits. By invoking this serumpun concept, we would hope that any problems would automatically disappear. Because we are serumpun nations, we tend to fool ourselves by saying these problems should have never existed in the first place.

Because of this way of thinking, many feel there should not be any problems between the two countries. We tend to think both nations should live harmoniously like a prince and princess in a fairy tale. In other words, the serumpun way of thinking tends to create irrational expectations from both sides about each other. We expect Malaysia to treat us according to our wishes, and Malaysia expects the same from Indonesia, despite the fact the management of inter-state relations is not a simple matter.

The fact is, we often fail to understand each other. Many Indonesians feel there has been a growing tendency in Malaysia to look down on Indonesia, as reflected in various recent stereotypes about Indonesians. Indonesians have come to be seen as the perpetrators of crime, illegal workers and uneducated maids. Many Indonesians feel that Malaysia has become arrogant due to its economic success. We are often hurt by the way our neighbor looks at us and perceives us.

On the other hand, Malaysians feel it is Indonesians who are arrogant. They believe we still behave like a big brother. Indeed, many of us still use the word "Malay" when we want to mock something, for example the expression spion Melayu (Malay spy).

We also often fail to understand why each side behaves the way it does. For example, Malaysians were amazed when many in Indonesia were calling for another konfrontasi (confrontation) with Malaysia over the Ambalat issue. Malaysia also had difficulty understanding why we were upset when it wanted to enforce its own law against undocumented Indonesian migrant workers there. It is also difficult for ordinary Malaysians to understand why the Indonesian government cannot provide enough jobs for its own people, meaning many Indonesians have to go to Malaysia to find work. Malaysia also fails to understand why we have never been able to resolve the problem of bad calo (agents) responsible for creating the problem in the first place.

Cases of mistreatment involving Indonesia's undocumented migrant workers in Malaysia continue to hurt Indonesia's dignity. We fail to understand, if we are indeed serumpun nations, why Malaysia has to deport -- and whip -- Indonesian undocumented migrant workers rather than show more understanding.

Recently we were also not satisfied when Malaysia was slow to offer an apology in response to the beating of an Indonesian karate referee in the country. As the argument goes, if we are indeed serumpun countries, Malaysia should have not hesitated to offer an apology.

Why is there such a wide gap in our expectations and perceptions of each other? The problem lies exactly in the use of the serumpun concept. We forget that Indonesia and Malaysia are two sovereign nations with their own national interests. We ignore the fact that Indonesia and Malaysia are two separate and distinct entities. Because of the serumpun concept, we tend to pretend we know each other well. However, as demonstrated by repeated problems, we do not know each other well enough. The way we stereotype each other clearly demonstrates this fact. The feeling of sentimental closeness, as implied in the serumpun concept, often leads to irrational expectations of each other.

Therefore, in the future we should no longer use the serumpun concept in the way it has been used in the past. Whenever the notion of serumpun is employed, it is expected by those who employ it that the other side should be "more understanding." What it really means is that one side expects the other to give in. In other words, the relationship becomes irrational, emotional and sentimental.

We should not fear that without the serumpun concept bilateral relations will worsen. The rational foundation of Indonesia-Malaysia bilateral relations is strong. Both share common security interests in the Malacca Straits. Both share common interests in strong and deep economic cooperation. Both share strong interests in eradicating global misperceptions of Islam. And more importantly, Indonesia-Malaysia bilateral ties are strongly institutionalized and anchored within the framework of ASEAN.

Therefore, this bilateral relationship has to be built upon a rational foundation, not upon a sentimental or romanticized base, as implied in the serumpun concept. And that rational foundation should be the imperative of managing both converging and diverging national interests between the two countries on the basis of normal principles and common norms in inter-state relations, namely mutual respect, equality and mutual benefits. In other words, the relationship between the two nations should be about the management of national interests -- not about the cultivation of sentimental feelings.

The writer is the deputy executive director of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

Be More Responsible,bloggers !

Deputy Information Minister Datuk Seri Chia Kwang Chye today urged bloggers to be more responsible and not to misuse the medium by churning out inaccurate information or slanderous allegations.

He also reminded the public to be more critical and not to act based on emotions stirred by information obtained from websites and blogs.

The Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 contained policies that must be complied with but it was difficult to curb irresponsible blogs.

Meanwhile, Information Minister Datuk Seri Zainuddin Maidin has ticked off certain media organisations for abusing the transparency of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi by rekindling racial political issues.

He said the move could harm the social contract that has been well received by the Malays, Chinese and Indians.

"To me, press freedom cannot go beyond the time-tested social contract," he told reporters after a get-together with Barisan Nasional (BN) component parties in his Merbok parliamentary constituency here Saturday night.

Zainuddin said matters agreed to in the social contract should not be questioned by the media as the move would create adverse effects.

He expressed disappointment over attempts by certain media to highlight incidents such as the May 13 racial riots, Maybank's move to impose 50 per cent stake ownership by Bumiputeras in legal firms and the Parliament leaking roof issue.

Abusing the transparency allowed by the prime minister as the head of government could ruin the pillar of strength of Malaysians who have been living in peace and harmony, he said.

On the publication of a book on May 13 by former Petaling Jaya MP Dr Kua Kia Soong, Zainuddin said the book would only serve to arouse anxiety among multiracial Malaysians.

He said although the Government had not ban the book authored by the former Internal Security Act (ISA) detainee, certain media have reported that the book has been banned and has been sold off.

He advised the people not to be carried away by the negative views of certain individuals about the government through postings in their blog sites.

"They try to incite the people's ill-feelings (through their blogs)," he said.


The Internal Security Ministry denied that it had seized 10 copies of the book on May 13, clarifying that it had only taken the books to check the contents.

The books would be returned if they contained nothing that violated the Printing Press and Publications Act 1984.

Its Deputy Minister, Datuk Fu Ah Kiow, said news reports stating that the books were seized were incorrect and believed that the matter was being deliberately blown out of proportion to gain publicity.

“It is just a very ordinary procedure, something that the officers will do if they receive reports about any publication that may be unfavourable for the public.

Fu said his officers were still reading the contents.

“The book is not a regular publication but a one-off publication. It does not need a permit.

“However, the ministry still has the responsibility of checking the contents of any publication to see to it that it did not go against the Printing Press and Publications Act 1984,” Fu said.

According to Malaysiakini, two major bookstore chains have reversed an earlier decision not to sell a new book on the May 13 communal riots, and Veteran social scientist Rustam A Sani said rational discussion on the controversial ‘May 13' book would make Malaysian society 'more mature' in its understanding of inter-ethnic relations.


Torn Between Two Lovers Bloggers ?

Siapa kata Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Abdullah Haji Ahmad pengsan? Bukan saya tapi Rocky dari http://rockybru.blogspot.com. Dulu saya rasa saya kenal siapa Rocky. Tapi hari ini, saya syak Rocky ni bukan lagi Rocky yang saya kenal. Memang patut kita saman si Rocky ni. Saman! Jangan tunggu lama-lama....(more):)


Remember Michael Backman's While Malaysia fiddles, its opportunities are running dry ?

He is back with "Top 20 Asian progressives"

Who are the modernisers and reformers steering the region towards good business practice, transparency and management excellence?

Malaysia has Four :

2. RAJA PETRA KAMARUDIN, MALAYSIA
7. MAHATHIR MOHAMAD, MALAYSIA
10. SYED MOKHTAR AL-BUKHARY, MALAYSIA
17. ZETI AKHTAR AZIZ, MALAYSIA

The only representative from Singapore is No 16. LEE KIN MUN (ALIAS MR BROWN).

As Singapore's only representative in this list of Asians, I am proud to announce that I beat governor of Malaysia's central bank, Zeti Akhtar Aziz, who is Number 17. Because, as all Singaporeans know, it is always important to one-up Malaysians in a Top Whatever List of any kind. Take that, Zeti!

In case anyone is reading the above literally, I am only kidding. This is a surprise and a huge honour to be hanging out with Asians of this calibre.


Indonesian President SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO (11) is also among Asia’s top 20 most progressive.

Chinese-Indonesians: breaking taboo of political participation

The chairman of the Chinese-Indonesian Association urged Indonesians of Chinese origin to overcome the segregation they have endured for decades, and to study political history and philosophy to be in a position to eventually form a political party. This party should be based on popular ideology and enjoy a nationwide following.

After decades of discrimination, the Chinese minority in Indonesia has started talking about political participation but for the time being, it has excluded the option of setting up its own party.

Speaking on the occasion of a discussion celebrating the seventh anniversary of the Indonesia Shang Bao daily on 10 May, the chairman of the Chinese-Indonesian Association, Eddie Lembong, encouraged the political participation of Indonesians of Chinese origin, who only last year began to see “light at the end of the tunnel”.

In 2006, the enactment of a citizenship law and a civil registry law, “removed the root cause of all discriminatory treatment against minorities like the Chinese,” said Lembong. Among other things, the new laws defined as “native” anyone who was born in the country to Indonesian citizens and eliminated perks for so-called “indigenous” groups for bank loans and contracts of public works.

The Chinese community makes up between 1 and 2% of Indonesia’s 245 million residents but controls more than half the national economy. Most Chinese immigrants are Christians. The 30-year regime of Suharto segregated Chinese socially and culturally: they were not allowed to be in Jakarta after 10pm and had to return to Chinatown. What’s more, they were forbidden from writing in Chinese script except in Buddhist temples and the community was targeted in violent uprisings in the nineties.

The chairman of the Association said: “Most Chinese-Indonesians still regard politics as a taboo matter. They fear talking about politics, let alone being involved in it." The legal system has discriminated against people on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, territory and social status since the Dutch colonial era.

Eddie Lembong urged the Chinese community to boost its knowledge of “the philosophy and history of politics before establishing or entering a political party.” He said it was necessary to start “political formation based on an ideology supported by the people rather than one based on ethnicity.”

The ex-Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid was also present at the meeting. He is credited with having done away with several racist laws during his brief tenure (1999-2001).

(Source:Asia News.it)

Indonesia: Playboy Magazine And Muslim Fanatacism

On Thursday, April 5, the editor of the nudity-free Indonesian version of Playboy was found not guilty of violating decency by publishing the magazine. The news is found in various sources - the Asia Media Network, Chicago Sun-Times, CNN (Reuters), Australian Broadcasting, Court TV News, Antara and other sources.

The editor-in-chief of the Indonesian version of the magazine, Erwin Arnada was found not guilty of public distribution of indecent pictures and making money from these. At the court in South Jakarta, presiding judge Efran Basuni said that the prosecution's case "could not be accepted", claiming their lawyers "were not diligent". Basuni said the prosecution had not taken into account media laws which had been created after the dictator President Suharto was deposed in 1998.

The trial had been attended by about 200 Islamic militants, who themselves were watched by police who had water cannon at the ready. Hardliners said after the trial that Erwin Arnada had "harmed the nation's morals".

The case highlights how Indonesia, whose population of 220 million is 85% Muslim is riven by opposing interpretations of Islam. The Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defenders' Front) are the most active in demanding intolerant forms of Islam.. These activists have mounted campaigns of violence against "American" influence in the country in 2001, and have closed down gambling dens, snooker halls and bars.

In the wake of the tsunami of December 24, 2004, members of the Front Pembela Islam accused relief workers from Western aid groups of attempting to convert Muslims in Aceh, and made threats to kill anyone they suspected of trying to convert anyone.

This group was involved in intimidating judges during two controversial trials. In September 2005 they arrived in truckloads at the courtroom in Indramayu, West Java where three Christian women were on trial for "attempting to convert" Muslim children, by inviting them to a fun day organized by their Sunday school. The women were found guilty of contravening article 86 of the nation's 2002 Child Protection Act and sentenced to three years' jail. In January last year, the three women - Rebecca Loanita Zakaria, Etty Pangesti and Ratna Mala Bangun lost their appeal. In the original 2005 trial they carried a coffin to the courtroom, bearing the name "Rebecca". They threatened to kill the women if the court did not jail them. Their mass action probably affected the outcome of the verdict.

The same group appeared at Palu district court, Central Sulawesi province, in April 2001, where three Christians were on trial. Fabianus Tibo, Dominggus da Silva and Marinus Riwu were accused on flimsy evidence of killing Muslims during sectarian conflict in Poso. Even though more Christians were killed in this conflict than Muslims, the three Christians were given a death sentence. Muslims had received no more than 15-year jail terms for their part in the killing of Christians. The three men were executed in September last year. During their original trial, members of FPI had surrounded the courtroom and threatened violence if the three men did not receive a death sentence.

The Front Pembela Islam members were particularly active last February during the Danish cartoon crisis, attacking the US Embassy and intimidating guests at the Holiday Inn in Bandung. They also attacked the offices of Indonesian Playboy in April last year.

The Front Pembela Islam have also been influential in imposing sharia laws in various regencies and cities under Indonesia's by-laws.

The story of the Indonesian version of Playboy has been marred by Islamists politicking around the case, months before the first issue was produced. In January 2006, Avianto Nugroho announced that he had gained the license to publish an Indonesian version of Playboy magazine. When he announced this, he made plain that the magazine would contain no nudity.

The Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia, "Holy Warriors of Indonesia", an Islamist group whose former leader was Abu Bakar Bashir (imprisoned for involvement in the 2002 Bali bombings, but acquitted this January), decided to stir up protest. The chairman of the group, Irfan Awas, said "Different or not, Playboy is Playboy. It is a porn magazine.... The magazine will damage the morality of the nation."

The first issue was scheduled to appear in March 2006. However the first edition of Indonesian Playboy did not appear until April 7. One leader of the FPI, Tubagus Muhamad Sidik, said: "Even if it had no pictures of women in it, we would still protest it because of the name. If they don't withdraw it then we will act in our own way, the forceful way. Our crew will clearly hound the editors."

Muhammad Alawi Usman, spokesman for the Front Pembela Islam, said: "If within a week they are still active and sell the magazine, we will take physical action. Playboy is not suitable for reading because its contents degrade women."

Costing twice the average daily income in Indonesia, Playboy was a luxury that most Indonesians could not afford. But it soon became obvious that the anti-American FPI members were more concerned in demonstrating their power to undemocratically force issues in the nation, and Playboy was a convenient symbol of the country the group loves to hate.

True to their threats, less than a week after first publication, the Front Pembela Islam attacked the offices where Playboy was being produced. 300 members of the group descended on the south Jakarta building, smashed windows, and destroyed the gate and door of the building.

A policeman was injured, but apparently there were no arrests. The staff of the magazine had to relocate to a secret address. Even when a charge had been laid against the magazine's editor, Erwin Arnada, the protesters turned their attention to the first "centerfold" model in January.

The model, who had appeared in the magazine with no nudity, was called Andhara Early. She appeared at the court case to give evidence, and was savagely abused by the Islamists. They called her a "cheap prostitute" and told her "I hope your daughter gets raped."

The trial was held in camera in south Jakarta. Erwin Arnada, chief editor, could have received a two and a half year jail sentence if he had been found guilty. Abu Bakar Bashir of the Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia or "Holy Warriors of Indonesia" had attended the trial. In March he complained that the prosecution was not pressing hard enough to get draconian penalties. He said to reporters outside the courtroom: "The prosecution's demand does not match the damage that Playboy has inflicted. We want the judges to give the defendant a heavier sentence."

Prosecutor Resni Muchtar told the court: "The pictures selected by the defendant were improper for publication because they violated decency and aroused lust." Outside, demonstrators shouted "Hang him, hang him!"

This is the side of Islam that we in the West would be foolish to ignore. Leftists pretend that Islam is a peaceful religion, built upon cosy family values. By promoting such lies, they are opening the door to activists such as these to destroy our democracies, much as they are destroying the democracy in "moderate Muslim Indonesia".(Source)


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