Putting the malaise into Malaysia
As the country approaches its 50th birthday, racial and religious tensions are jeopardising its economic and social success
UPROAR is still raging in Malaysia over inflammatory speeches at the annual congress of the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in mid-November. One delegate talked of being ready to “bathe in blood” to defend the race and religion of the Malay Muslim majority against the ethnic Chinese and Indian minorities. The education minister, no less, brandished a keris (traditional dagger), only to be urged by another delegate to start using it. The affair has brought into focus Malaysians' worries that, as their country nears its 50th birthday next year, its remarkable economic and social success is at risk from the increasingly separate lives its three main races are living.
Apart from some deadly riots in 1969, the country has so far done remarkably well in handling the awkward racial mix it inherited when the Malaysian peninsula gained independence from Britain in 1957.
The Chinese, now around a quarter of the population, arrived in colonial times to work the country's tin mines. The Indians, now around one-tenth, mainly came to work on plantations. Neither group intended to stay forever but many did. The Malays' fears of being marginalised in their own land grew as the Chinese came to dominate business and the Indians the professions.
At independence, a “social contract” was struck in which the Indians and Chinese got citizenship while the indigenous peoples received privileged access to state jobs and education. After the 1969 riots, a far-reaching positive-discrimination policy was introduced, with the aim of increasing the indigenous groups' share of business ownership from just 4% to 30%.
Supporters of this policy say it has kept the peace, enabling Malaysia to achieve impressive economic growth. Opponents say it has widened the divide between rich UMNO wheeler-dealers and their less fortunate Malay brethren. UMNO itself, having led the country's development for decades, has become perhaps its greatest handicap. The Malay chauvinism and economic nationalism in its ranks are hobbling progress towards reforming and privatising the big government-linked companies, thereby discouraging both domestic and foreign private investment. The fate of Proton, a carmaker is emblematic: the government has dithered for months over whether to risk UMNO's ire by selling it to a foreign buyer.
Once an emerging Asian champion, Malaysia is slipping down the league. Its stockmarket is falling behind its rivals (see chart above). Last year, foreign direct investment was worth only $4 billion, down from $4.6 billion in 2004. Despite having a big base in Malaysia, Intel is putting its new chipmaking plant in Vietnam. A key test of whether the government can boost investment, says Vince Leusner of the American Malaysian Chamber of Commerce, will be agreement on a free-trade pact it is negotiating with America. Concessions will be needed on such tricky issues as letting foreign firms bid for government contracts. To win greater access to the American market—Malaysia's largest—the prime minister, Abdullah Badawi, must brave the wrath of his UMNO backbenchers.
Nor Mohamed Yakcop, the deputy finance minister, points out that the government has a good record on delivering economic reforms—such as last year's loosening of the ringgit's peg to the dollar—despite political noise. But with Vietnam, China and India competing harder for investment, Malaysia has to build on its strengths as a relatively advanced, liberal country and seek more high-technology and creative businesses. Such businesses need talented people—and the widening ethnic and religious gap is encouraging a brain drain, says Azmi Sharom, a law lecturer at the University of Malaya.
Although a national discussion is plainly needed on how to renew Malaysia's social contract and stop its races growing further apart, Mr Badawi has so far tried to close down this debate. He rejected proposals to create an “inter-faith council” and has told Article 11, a group named after the constitutional clause guaranteeing religious freedom, to stop organising public discussions. Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, a Muslim lawyer and leader of Article 11, says that UMNO leaders feel compelled to emit fiery religious rhetoric to outflank PAS, an Islamist opposition party.
Mohamed Jawhar Hassan, the head of ISIS, a think-tank, says that Malays' desire for more overt expression of their Islamic faith, and Chinese and Indian parents' desire to educate their children separately, are “social forces, much more powerful than any government”. Passing laws may not be enough to stem the drifting apart of the races. But there are few other ideas on how to preserve social harmony and prosperity, two huge achievements of which any country turning 50 could be proud.
(Excerpts from The Economist print edition)
Media groups' planned merger will lead to "monopolisation of information and political influence," warns SEAPA
Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA), is greatly concerned by the news that two media groups in Malaysia may be merging.
Newspaper reports on 28 and 29 November 2006 said the New Straits Times Press (NSTP) is planning to acquire Utusan Melayu to forge a strong alliance between its Malay-language newspapers, "Berita Harian" and "Utusan Malaysia", respectively.
According to local business weekly "The Edge", a market research house said this would mark the largest print media consolidation in the Malay print industry.
Both the Utusan group and NSTP were reportedly unavailable for comment. When queried by the local stock exchange, they merely said they were exploring options to enhance the value of their stock with no firm plans reached as yet.
At this juncture, SEAPA would like to stress that media companies should not be viewed purely as business entities with profitability as their overriding goal. Their social responsibility, unlike that of any other corporate entity, is a greater and especially crucial one of providing people with a public platform through which the right of free expression is effectively exercised in a democracy.
The most troubling result that can be anticipated from this potential merger is the monopolisation of information and political influence, with a very negative impact on democracy.
The merger will put UMNO, the dominant Malay-based ruling party which owns 50.46 percent of Utusan Melayu, as the direct owner of most local media, through joint ownership with Media Prima Bhd.
Utusan Melayu has another Malay-language newspaper "Kosmo!" and a stable of magazines under its group, while Media Prima Bhd holds 32.94 percent of NSTP, and broadcast stations TV3, ntv7, 8TV, Channel 9, Fly FM and Hot FM.
NSTP also owns the English-language newspapers "New Straits Times" and "Malay Mail", as well as another Malay newspaper, "Harian Metro".
With UMNO at the top of this chain, controlling almost all channels of information, the media landscape does not look promising as regards diversity of opinion. As it is, the government-controlled media have a poor record in allowing the exchange of opinions, ideas and information.
The fact that Malaysia is a multi-ethnic society of diverse cultures and voices makes it all the more important to ensure that there is no media monopoly, particularly by the dominant ruling party. Given that media ownership in Malaysia has been documented to have a definite influence on editorial policies and content, such a monopoly may lead to further marginalisation of dissenting voices.
As such, SEAPA shares the concern of our local partner, the Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ), that the potential merger will deal a serious blow to freedom of expression in Malaysia, which is already highly restricted by laws.
In a 29 November media release, CIJ said the merger would "erode completely" what little plurality of expression there is. CIJ's full statement is available here
"It is also worrying to us that the government encourages concentration in media ownership," the communication rights organisation said, pointing to the recent sale by Chinese-based ruling party MCA of its stake in Nanyang Press to tycoon Tiong Hiew King, resulting in the latter owning four major Chinese-language newspapers (see IFEX alert of 27 October 2006).
SEAPA joins CIJ in reiterating its call on the Malaysia government to repeal the licensing provision in the Printing Presses and Publications Act and set up a Parliamentary Select Committee on media freedom.
BACKGROUND:
The Malaysia government is the direct or indirect owner of almost all local media.
Besides six state-owned radio stations and two television stations under national broadcaster Radio Television Malaysia, ruling political parties such as UMNO control the Utusan Group and are closely allied to media conglomerate Media Prima Bhd.
MCA, through its investment arm Huaren, owns Star Publications, which owns the English newspaper, "The Star", various magazines, and radio stations FM 988 and Red FM. It now holds a 20 percent stake in Nanyang Press, which publishes Chinese newspapers "Nanyang Siang Pau" and "China Press".
The ruling party, MIC, supported primarily by Malaysia's Indian community, has close affiliations with owners of major Tamil newspapers "Tamil Nesan" and "Malaysian Nanban".
Another good take :
Who's killing Utusan Melayu? in Rocky's Bru
More on the "The keris" - “Elle est belle, elle est tres feminine"
Impresses negatively
In the 21st Century, such leadership action reflects poorly on the modern Malays and Malaysia.
In the 1970’s, an UMNO Youth leader unsheathing his keris in defence of Malay rights would have gained him popularity among his own kind and spread fear among non-Malays.
Today, in a high-tech world this act no longer achieves either among educated Malays, who feel embarrassed by it.
To the non-Malays, it caused disquiet that such mentality still exists in modern Malaysia, but not the sort of fear the keris brandisher wanted.
It is to the outside world, the potential investor and business partner, that the impact is the most severe.
Most locals and outsiders generally agree that the biggest damage is inflicted on the Malays who are seeking to dispel the image that they are backward, uncompetitive and given to ‘running amok’ as painted by some Westerners.
The photo of Education Minister Hishammuddin Hussein unsheathing a keris (Malay dagger) at the recent UMNO meeting, was widely published in the outside world.
He was implying that he was ready to use it to defend Malay rights from being taken by non-Malays was widely published in the outside world.
This week Newsweek magazine featured it in its main article about Malaysia and Indonesia “Drift(ing) towards fundamentalism.”
Locally Malaysians condemned it – the second such display in two years - as ridiculous, unbefitting of modern Malaysia.
The Newsweek article said the UMNO meeting which ended on Nov 17 was a shocking display of divisiveness.
Some delegates at the rally gave speeches that, either explicitly or in veiled terms, were racist or called for violence as a means of settling religious or political differences, it said.
One of them, Hasnoor Sidang Hussein, declared: "UMNO is willing to risk lives and bathe in blood in defence of race and religion." Then came the minister’s unsheathing of the keris.
Party supporters perceived the gesture as invoking Malay power and pride, but critics said the minister was pandering to racist elements in UMNO's youth wing, which Hishammuddin heads.
Twenty years ago, the youth wing had displayed banners calling for the keris to be bathed in the blood of the minority Malaysian Chinese.
Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi disavowed the inflammatory rhetoric in his speech to the UMNO conclave, and Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak suggested that the police have a word with delegates who'd used extreme language. Newsweek added:-
Still, the UMNO chest-thumping makes clear that the moderate Abdullah is struggling to cope with a surge in intolerant—and in some cases extremist—behaviour by his base of Malay Muslims.
Earlier this year a Muslim mob disrupted a forum being held in Penang to discuss religious pluralism.
Forum organisers said the mob's message was unmistakable: attempts to equate other religions with Islam in Malaysia will be met with violence.”
The Newsweek article also covers extremism in Indonesia.
It said there was an ominous drift of the two countries towards fundamentalism. What are the Malaysian and Indonesian governments doing to counter it?
“Some say not enough, the article said. Their respective leaders had touted themselves as the voices of moderation in the Islamic world.
”Those voices seem to be quiet these days. During the Lebanon crisis, it took the Indonesian president nearly a week to respond to public threats by radical groups to send armed fighters to Lebanon and murder American, Israeli and Australian citizens worldwide.
In Malaysia, PM Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had been equally vague in recent months as relations between religious groups worsened, Newsweek wrote.
”Political analyst Farish Noor says the prime minister deals with religious tensions in piecemeal fashion, ranging from general statements about the need for moderation in Islam to mild condemnations of extremists. Worse, some of the most conservative-minded religious leaders in the nation have been given positions of power in Malaysia's religious bureaucracy.
"Abdullah is fully aware of the fact that the rise of an increasingly right-wing conservative Muslim voice in the country will bode ill for the image of Malaysia abroad, but at the same time he cannot risk losing or antagonising the Malay-Muslim bloc vote," Noor says.
(From Littlespeck)
LaBelle grosse Dame Sans Merci
Someone please ask Rafidah to read Michael Backman's "Malaysia bites back and industriously trades the insults"
News and Opinion :
Pak ‘don’t-do-as-I-do’ Lah - Malaysiakini
Difficult but important - The Other Malaysian
Iran-Malaysia sign memorandum letter of IT, ICT and health care - ISNA - Tehran
Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Rafidah Asia
UPROAR is still raging in Malaysia over inflammatory speeches at the annual congress of the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in mid-November. One delegate talked of being ready to “bathe in blood” to defend the race and religion of the Malay Muslim majority against the ethnic Chinese and Indian minorities. The education minister, no less, brandished a keris (traditional dagger), only to be urged by another delegate to start using it. The affair has brought into focus Malaysians' worries that, as their country nears its 50th birthday next year, its remarkable economic and social success is at risk from the increasingly separate lives its three main races are living.
Apart from some deadly riots in 1969, the country has so far done remarkably well in handling the awkward racial mix it inherited when the Malaysian peninsula gained independence from Britain in 1957.
The Chinese, now around a quarter of the population, arrived in colonial times to work the country's tin mines. The Indians, now around one-tenth, mainly came to work on plantations. Neither group intended to stay forever but many did. The Malays' fears of being marginalised in their own land grew as the Chinese came to dominate business and the Indians the professions.
At independence, a “social contract” was struck in which the Indians and Chinese got citizenship while the indigenous peoples received privileged access to state jobs and education. After the 1969 riots, a far-reaching positive-discrimination policy was introduced, with the aim of increasing the indigenous groups' share of business ownership from just 4% to 30%.
Supporters of this policy say it has kept the peace, enabling Malaysia to achieve impressive economic growth. Opponents say it has widened the divide between rich UMNO wheeler-dealers and their less fortunate Malay brethren. UMNO itself, having led the country's development for decades, has become perhaps its greatest handicap. The Malay chauvinism and economic nationalism in its ranks are hobbling progress towards reforming and privatising the big government-linked companies, thereby discouraging both domestic and foreign private investment. The fate of Proton, a carmaker is emblematic: the government has dithered for months over whether to risk UMNO's ire by selling it to a foreign buyer.
Once an emerging Asian champion, Malaysia is slipping down the league. Its stockmarket is falling behind its rivals (see chart above). Last year, foreign direct investment was worth only $4 billion, down from $4.6 billion in 2004. Despite having a big base in Malaysia, Intel is putting its new chipmaking plant in Vietnam. A key test of whether the government can boost investment, says Vince Leusner of the American Malaysian Chamber of Commerce, will be agreement on a free-trade pact it is negotiating with America. Concessions will be needed on such tricky issues as letting foreign firms bid for government contracts. To win greater access to the American market—Malaysia's largest—the prime minister, Abdullah Badawi, must brave the wrath of his UMNO backbenchers.
Nor Mohamed Yakcop, the deputy finance minister, points out that the government has a good record on delivering economic reforms—such as last year's loosening of the ringgit's peg to the dollar—despite political noise. But with Vietnam, China and India competing harder for investment, Malaysia has to build on its strengths as a relatively advanced, liberal country and seek more high-technology and creative businesses. Such businesses need talented people—and the widening ethnic and religious gap is encouraging a brain drain, says Azmi Sharom, a law lecturer at the University of Malaya.
Although a national discussion is plainly needed on how to renew Malaysia's social contract and stop its races growing further apart, Mr Badawi has so far tried to close down this debate. He rejected proposals to create an “inter-faith council” and has told Article 11, a group named after the constitutional clause guaranteeing religious freedom, to stop organising public discussions. Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, a Muslim lawyer and leader of Article 11, says that UMNO leaders feel compelled to emit fiery religious rhetoric to outflank PAS, an Islamist opposition party.
Mohamed Jawhar Hassan, the head of ISIS, a think-tank, says that Malays' desire for more overt expression of their Islamic faith, and Chinese and Indian parents' desire to educate their children separately, are “social forces, much more powerful than any government”. Passing laws may not be enough to stem the drifting apart of the races. But there are few other ideas on how to preserve social harmony and prosperity, two huge achievements of which any country turning 50 could be proud.
(Excerpts from The Economist print edition)
**********
Media groups' planned merger will lead to "monopolisation of information and political influence," warns SEAPA
Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA), is greatly concerned by the news that two media groups in Malaysia may be merging.
Newspaper reports on 28 and 29 November 2006 said the New Straits Times Press (NSTP) is planning to acquire Utusan Melayu to forge a strong alliance between its Malay-language newspapers, "Berita Harian" and "Utusan Malaysia", respectively.
According to local business weekly "The Edge", a market research house said this would mark the largest print media consolidation in the Malay print industry.
Both the Utusan group and NSTP were reportedly unavailable for comment. When queried by the local stock exchange, they merely said they were exploring options to enhance the value of their stock with no firm plans reached as yet.
At this juncture, SEAPA would like to stress that media companies should not be viewed purely as business entities with profitability as their overriding goal. Their social responsibility, unlike that of any other corporate entity, is a greater and especially crucial one of providing people with a public platform through which the right of free expression is effectively exercised in a democracy.
The most troubling result that can be anticipated from this potential merger is the monopolisation of information and political influence, with a very negative impact on democracy.
The merger will put UMNO, the dominant Malay-based ruling party which owns 50.46 percent of Utusan Melayu, as the direct owner of most local media, through joint ownership with Media Prima Bhd.
Utusan Melayu has another Malay-language newspaper "Kosmo!" and a stable of magazines under its group, while Media Prima Bhd holds 32.94 percent of NSTP, and broadcast stations TV3, ntv7, 8TV, Channel 9, Fly FM and Hot FM.
NSTP also owns the English-language newspapers "New Straits Times" and "Malay Mail", as well as another Malay newspaper, "Harian Metro".
With UMNO at the top of this chain, controlling almost all channels of information, the media landscape does not look promising as regards diversity of opinion. As it is, the government-controlled media have a poor record in allowing the exchange of opinions, ideas and information.
The fact that Malaysia is a multi-ethnic society of diverse cultures and voices makes it all the more important to ensure that there is no media monopoly, particularly by the dominant ruling party. Given that media ownership in Malaysia has been documented to have a definite influence on editorial policies and content, such a monopoly may lead to further marginalisation of dissenting voices.
As such, SEAPA shares the concern of our local partner, the Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ), that the potential merger will deal a serious blow to freedom of expression in Malaysia, which is already highly restricted by laws.
In a 29 November media release, CIJ said the merger would "erode completely" what little plurality of expression there is. CIJ's full statement is available here
"It is also worrying to us that the government encourages concentration in media ownership," the communication rights organisation said, pointing to the recent sale by Chinese-based ruling party MCA of its stake in Nanyang Press to tycoon Tiong Hiew King, resulting in the latter owning four major Chinese-language newspapers (see IFEX alert of 27 October 2006).
SEAPA joins CIJ in reiterating its call on the Malaysia government to repeal the licensing provision in the Printing Presses and Publications Act and set up a Parliamentary Select Committee on media freedom.
BACKGROUND:
The Malaysia government is the direct or indirect owner of almost all local media.
Besides six state-owned radio stations and two television stations under national broadcaster Radio Television Malaysia, ruling political parties such as UMNO control the Utusan Group and are closely allied to media conglomerate Media Prima Bhd.
MCA, through its investment arm Huaren, owns Star Publications, which owns the English newspaper, "The Star", various magazines, and radio stations FM 988 and Red FM. It now holds a 20 percent stake in Nanyang Press, which publishes Chinese newspapers "Nanyang Siang Pau" and "China Press".
The ruling party, MIC, supported primarily by Malaysia's Indian community, has close affiliations with owners of major Tamil newspapers "Tamil Nesan" and "Malaysian Nanban".
Another good take :
Who's killing Utusan Melayu? in Rocky's Bru
More on the "The keris" - “Elle est belle, elle est tres feminine"
Impresses negatively
In the 21st Century, such leadership action reflects poorly on the modern Malays and Malaysia.
In the 1970’s, an UMNO Youth leader unsheathing his keris in defence of Malay rights would have gained him popularity among his own kind and spread fear among non-Malays.
Today, in a high-tech world this act no longer achieves either among educated Malays, who feel embarrassed by it.
To the non-Malays, it caused disquiet that such mentality still exists in modern Malaysia, but not the sort of fear the keris brandisher wanted.
It is to the outside world, the potential investor and business partner, that the impact is the most severe.
Most locals and outsiders generally agree that the biggest damage is inflicted on the Malays who are seeking to dispel the image that they are backward, uncompetitive and given to ‘running amok’ as painted by some Westerners.
The photo of Education Minister Hishammuddin Hussein unsheathing a keris (Malay dagger) at the recent UMNO meeting, was widely published in the outside world.
He was implying that he was ready to use it to defend Malay rights from being taken by non-Malays was widely published in the outside world.
This week Newsweek magazine featured it in its main article about Malaysia and Indonesia “Drift(ing) towards fundamentalism.”
Locally Malaysians condemned it – the second such display in two years - as ridiculous, unbefitting of modern Malaysia.
The Newsweek article said the UMNO meeting which ended on Nov 17 was a shocking display of divisiveness.
Some delegates at the rally gave speeches that, either explicitly or in veiled terms, were racist or called for violence as a means of settling religious or political differences, it said.
One of them, Hasnoor Sidang Hussein, declared: "UMNO is willing to risk lives and bathe in blood in defence of race and religion." Then came the minister’s unsheathing of the keris.
Party supporters perceived the gesture as invoking Malay power and pride, but critics said the minister was pandering to racist elements in UMNO's youth wing, which Hishammuddin heads.
Twenty years ago, the youth wing had displayed banners calling for the keris to be bathed in the blood of the minority Malaysian Chinese.
Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi disavowed the inflammatory rhetoric in his speech to the UMNO conclave, and Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak suggested that the police have a word with delegates who'd used extreme language. Newsweek added:-
Still, the UMNO chest-thumping makes clear that the moderate Abdullah is struggling to cope with a surge in intolerant—and in some cases extremist—behaviour by his base of Malay Muslims.
Earlier this year a Muslim mob disrupted a forum being held in Penang to discuss religious pluralism.
Forum organisers said the mob's message was unmistakable: attempts to equate other religions with Islam in Malaysia will be met with violence.”
The Newsweek article also covers extremism in Indonesia.
It said there was an ominous drift of the two countries towards fundamentalism. What are the Malaysian and Indonesian governments doing to counter it?
“Some say not enough, the article said. Their respective leaders had touted themselves as the voices of moderation in the Islamic world.
”Those voices seem to be quiet these days. During the Lebanon crisis, it took the Indonesian president nearly a week to respond to public threats by radical groups to send armed fighters to Lebanon and murder American, Israeli and Australian citizens worldwide.
In Malaysia, PM Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had been equally vague in recent months as relations between religious groups worsened, Newsweek wrote.
”Political analyst Farish Noor says the prime minister deals with religious tensions in piecemeal fashion, ranging from general statements about the need for moderation in Islam to mild condemnations of extremists. Worse, some of the most conservative-minded religious leaders in the nation have been given positions of power in Malaysia's religious bureaucracy.
"Abdullah is fully aware of the fact that the rise of an increasingly right-wing conservative Muslim voice in the country will bode ill for the image of Malaysia abroad, but at the same time he cannot risk losing or antagonising the Malay-Muslim bloc vote," Noor says.
(From Littlespeck)
La
'Perhaps Rafidah needs to be reminded who pays her salary'
Listen Fat Lady.
That's what Michael Backman says in his latest column about wastage in Malaysia.
Someone please ask Rafidah to read Michael Backman's "Malaysia bites back and industriously trades the insults"
Malaysia needs to do something. Its oil will run out soon and it has lost much of its appeal to foreign investors — recent UN figures show that from 2004 to 2005, foreign investment in Malaysia fell by 14 per cent, when the world economy was enjoying one of its longest periods of growth. One might wonder what the Trade and Industry Minister has actually been doing.The minister, Rafidah Aziz, Malaysia's Minister for Trade and Industry, declared somewhat imperiously that she didn't care what I said because I am a foreigner and I probably don't know much about Malaysia anyway.
Rafidah knows her trade brief like few others. Her knowledge of the complex rules of the international trading system, with its many trade barriers, is remarkable. In meetings with other trade ministers, she rarely needs assistance from minders. Hard working and tenacious, I once thought she might make a reasonable prime minister.
But her technical abilities are marred by her mishandling of other issues, most recently her ministry's allocation of much coveted car import permits. Most went to a handful of well-connected businessmen, including her own relatives.
The issue exploded in Malaysia late last year and she was lucky to keep her job.
And then there are the corruption allegations. In 1995, in a report to the attorney-general, the public prosecutor said there was a prima facie basis for Rafidah's arrest and prosecution on five counts of corruption.
An opposition activist later acquired official documents that appeared to confirm this. He was jailed for two years under the Official Secrets Act simply for possessing them. Rafidah, on the other hand, was not even charged.
Rafidah added to her remarks about my column that no Malaysian should say such things. It's little wonder that she doesn't welcome scrutiny from her own people. But then the idea that Malaysians cannot comment publicly about how their country is run but a non-Malaysian can, is disgraceful.
Perhaps Rafidah needs to be reminded who pays her salary.
Michael Backman is a foreigner !
News and Opinion :
Pak ‘don’t-do-as-I-do’ Lah - Malaysiakini
Difficult but important - The Other Malaysian
Iran-Malaysia sign memorandum letter of IT, ICT and health care - ISNA - Tehran
Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Rafidah Asia
Labels: Politic - Local
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